History of Malaysia and Singapore

A Captivating Guide to Ancient Empires, Colonial Trade, Urban Growth, and Nationhood

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Part 1: History of Malaysia

A Captivating Guide to Ancient Kingdoms, Colonial Melaka, Modernization, and the Post-Independence Years

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Introduction

Long before the existence of the iconic Petronas Twin Towers and the sky-piercing Merdeka 118, centuries before the birth of the very first sultanate in Southeast Asia, and ages before the formation of the nation itself, the Malay Peninsula and the surrounding archipelago, especially the strategic Straits of Malacca, were known not only as a melting pot of different cultures and knowledge but also as a bustling center of trade and commerce. The region’s tropical rainforests provided an unimaginable amount of natural resources, while the western part of the peninsula, specifically, was renowned for its abundant resources of tin, which, along with gold and aromatic spices, were highly sought after in both the Indian and Chinese markets.

Before the name “Malaysia” was etched onto maps and books of records, the peninsula was known by many names. The Greek geographer Claudius Ptolemy referred to it as the Golden Chersonese, and the peninsula was identified as Malayadvipa in the ancient Indian text Ramayana. The Yuan and Ming dynasties, on the other hand, used the terms Bok-la-Yu and Wu-lai-yu. Marco Polo, the famous Venetian traveler, mentioned the name Malauir to reference a kingdom on the peninsula. Much later on, the Portuguese used the term Terra de Tana Malaio. These different terms are evidence that the region was able to polish its reputation over time, eventually putting it on the stage of international prominence and acclaim, even though the peninsula was situated far from the colossal powers of ancient times, such as the vast Roman or Chinese empires.

But, of course, every story has a beginning. In the past, these regions were a broad canvas painted with a series of stories, intrigues, and power plays. The rainforests and coastal areas also echo with a rich history, some of which are infused with myths and legends passed down from one generation to the next. The foundation of Langkasuka, one of the oldest kingdoms on the peninsula, for example, is a fascinating story that blends both facts and legends, making it one of the most intriguing tales ever recorded in the annal of Malaysian history. The tales of Merong Mahawangsa and Adruja Wijayamala Singa straddle the line between history and legend, serving as a testament to the Malay Peninsula’s early allure—an allure that attracted traders, adventurers, and conquerors from far and wide.

As we venture further into the narrative, the establishment of the Melaka Sultanate marks a pivotal chapter. This is not merely a tale of the rise of a kingdom but rather the birth of a strategic maritime empire whose influence permeated throughout the region, affecting trade, politics, and culture. The legacy of Melaka set the stage for the storied strait to become a nautical crossroads coveted by European powers. It is here that the tale takes a turn, as the first European colonists, the Portuguese and then the Dutch, cast their anchors upon the peninsula’s shores, bringing with them the winds of change that would forever alter the region’s trajectory.

Malaysia’s historical fabric becomes even more intricate with the arrival of the British, an era marked by colonial ambitions, economic transformations, and the indelible imprint of Western influence. This period, however, was not just defined by the forces of colonialism but also by the indomitable spirit of resistance within the local population. Heroes such as Dato' Maharaja Lela and Mat Kilau in the Malay Peninsula, alongside Mat Salleh and Rentap in Borneo, became icons of defiance against colonial rule.

Yet, the Malayans were still far from achieving peace. Their resilience was tested further during the harrowing years of Japanese occupation, a time when the people of Malaya were subjected to untold brutality and bloodshed. These tough times left a lasting mark on the country’s memory, showing how strong its people were when facing great hardship. It was only after World War II that the road to independence became clearer in the eyes of the Malayans.

Malaysia may not have millennia of recorded history like some of the ancient civilizations of the world, yet it possesses a distinct identity that is as rich and complex as any. In its relatively brief history, Malaysia has managed to forge a unique cultural identity, one that is a testament to the confluence of the many ethnicities, languages, and religions that have come together in this vibrant land. This book strives to honor Malaysia’s rich heritage rather than playing a hand in letting it fade into the sands of time. It seeks to illuminate the stories of its people and the myriad influences that have shaped its present. Through these pages, readers are invited to explore the grand narrative of a nation that, though young in years, stands tall with a spirit and legacy that rivals the oldest of histories.

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Chapter 1 - Of Myths and Legends: The Ancient Powers of the Malay Peninsula

A map of Malaysia.

JRC, ECHO, EC, CC BY 4.0 <https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0>, via Wikimedia Commons: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Malaysia_Base_Map.png

Our story is believed to have begun in the west, far amidst the grand columns of the Eternal City, Rome. However, the exact year is unknown since the details are long gone, eaten by unruly Father Time himself. However, we can safely assume that this event took place sometime in the early 2nd century CE, long after the Romans were introduced to their very first emperor. Indeed, the empire was almost constantly involved in multiple series of wars and conquests, but as violent as the Roman legions were, the Romans often played at forging peaceful alliances with other powerful forces.

According to Malay tales and legends, the Roman emperor (or the “King of Rome” in these sources) had heard of a colossal power far beyond the borders of Europe. Through information gathered by his men, the emperor was made aware of the empire of China. In the eyes of the Roman emperor, this empire—albeit only learning of its existence through secondhand accounts—was worth a friendly relationship. Its wealth and power could probably be of use someday. And so, the Roman emperor began seeking ways to secure an alliance with the Chinese.

Many days were spent discussing and arguing over strategies to forge the relationship between the two empires. Finally, with the support of his advisors, the emperor decided that the best way to achieve the goal was through the sacred bond of matrimony between his son and the daughter of the Chinese emperor. Many agreed to the decision; however, unbeknownst to the Romans, there was one particular creature that was far from content with the union between the two empires. This creature was an egoistic phoenix that the Malays referred to as the “Garuda.”

Confident that it was absolutely impossible for two individuals from distant lands to unite under the name of marriage, the Garuda was intent on interrupting the wedding. It quickly flapped its giant wings and journeyed to the Asian continent, where it set eyes on the Chinese princess peacefully living her royal life surrounded by her most loyal servants. Without a moment of hesitation, the Garuda kidnapped the princess—some said the phoenix even got a hold of her servants—and brought her to an island on the Andaman Sea known as Langkapuri (presumably modern-day Langkawi). Here, the princess was given a treatment fit for a royal. The Garuda did not provide a palace for her to call home, but the creature also granted each of her requests, except for returning to her homeland, of course.

The wind eventually blew news of the missing princess to the west, startling the Roman emperor. With great haste, he gathered his advisors for a discussion about their next move. The Romans were not familiar with the idea of defeat, so they moved quickly to ensure their plans were back on track. Considering each suggestion voiced by his most loyal advisors, the Roman emperor announced that he decided to send his prince and a fleet full of his best Roman soldiers to search for the Chinese princess. Of course, sailing to such a distant land required a formidable leader at the helm. Therefore, the Roman ruler called upon one particular man who went by the name of Merong Mahawangsa.

An illustration of a Balinese Garuda.

Meursault2004, CC BY-SA 3.0 <http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/>, via Wikimedia Commons: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Taal_van_het_Adiparwa.jpg

If we were to take into account the ancient Malay records, we would find that Merong Mahawangsa was no ordinary man. His skills and talents were exceptional, but it was his lineage that many remembered. Although he called Rome his home, the warrior was said to have had roots that traced back to the illustrious Macedonian conqueror Alexander the Great.

With provisions stocked to the brim and the ships ready to combat the merciless tides of the Mediterranean Sea, Merong led the fleet to the horizon. The Romans disembarked at various regions and kingdoms along the way, perhaps to refill their supplies and repair the damage to their ships caused by the thunderous storms and waves. Each time they made a stop, the Romans were warmly welcomed by the locals, but news of the missing princess was nowhere to be heard. Days turned to weeks, and weeks turned to harsh months. Eventually, their voyage brought them to a region called Kuala Changgung (presumably somewhere on the northernmost part of the Malay Peninsula). There, misfortunes began to brew.

At first, the skies turned dark, with heavy clouds beginning to claim their spots in the heavens, covering the once bright sun. The silence was deafening. As a master of the sea, Merong could sense they were not alone. He turned to his men, ordering them to protect the Roman prince at all costs. Lightning bolts soon formed above them while sudden roars of thunder shook those who were less courageous. Amidst the dark clouds, Merong caught a glimpse of a massive shadow looming above their fleet. This shadow belonged to none other than the Garuda, who had arrived to stop the Romans’ search for the princess.

A battle between the Roman fleets and the magical phoenix ensued. The Romans, undeterred by the terrifying look of the Garuda, launched their attacks without rest. Arrows and projectiles were shot in the creature’s direction, yet the phoenix was able to deflect each one. The same could be said about the Romans. When the Garuda counterattacked, three of their ships faced significant destruction.

The battle went on for hours. The Roman fleets attempted to retreat, hoping they could disembark at the nearest port to repair and refill their resources. They eventually reached Kuala Parit (located in modern-day Kedah), yet the Garuda never lost sight of them. For days, the Romans were terrorized by the Garuda.

Once the battle cooled down, Merong Mahawangsa immediately voiced his plans to dock at yet another port to prepare themselves for another potential fight with the ruthless creature. However, the prince was too headstrong. He wanted to continue the search for the Chinese princess. Therefore, they went their separate ways. Merong planned to join the prince later as soon as his fleets were repaired and in a good enough condition to fight.

The prince’s nightmare turned into reality. The Garuda managed to catch up with his fleets. Determined to kill the prince once and for all, the Garuda laid an assault that completely destroyed the ships. However, little did he know the prince survived. Holding on to a piece of a broken wood plank, he was carried away by the tides. Legend has it that the prince eventually reached Langkapuri, where he found the Chinese princess and married her.

As for Merong Mahawangsa, he kept his word. He set sail to find the prince, but to no avail. He did, however, stumble upon an island where he was warmly welcomed by the local inhabitants. Details are scarce, but it was believed that Merong Mahawangsa chose to stay on the island, where he laid the first foundations of an old Malay kingdom known as Langkasuka. He reigned over his new kingdom until he was called back to Rome.

Before he left, Merong passed the throne to one of his sons, Raja Merong Mahapudisat, who was tasked to expand the realm of Langkasuka. The rest of his children were also bestowed with different regions in the kingdom. His eldest son was crowned as the ruler of an unknown region in the Siamese Peninsula, another reigned over Perak, and his only daughter was given the land of Pattani.

The location of the Langkasuka Kingdom.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Langkasuka004.jpg

Throughout the years, Langkasuka (presumably modern-day Kedah) flourished under the reigns of Merong Mahawangsa’s bloodline. The kingdom’s influence experienced a decline during the 3rd century CE following the rise of Funan, a kingdom centered on the Mekong Delta. However, Langkasuka was able to get back on its feet when King Bhagadatta took the reins in the 6th century CE. By establishing relations with China in 515 CE, Langkasuka was said to have enjoyed a moment of prosperity–that was until they witnessed the rise of another powerful empire, Srivijaya.

Srivijaya, believed to have initially developed near Palembang in Sumatra, was an empire whose origins are steeped in both history and myth. The Kedukan Bukit inscription, one of the earliest records of the region, tells of a ruler named Dapunta Hyang Sri Jayanasa. He embarked on a sacred journey, a Siddhayatra, to expand his realm and assert his power. The significance of this journey is profound, representing a ritual of royal consecration and the divine endorsement of his military campaigns.

The Kedukan Bukit inscription.

Gunawan Kartapranata, CC BY-SA 4.0 <https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0>, via Wikimedia Commons: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Prasasti_Kedukan_Bukit_3.jpg

Departing from Minanga Tamwan, the location of which is today’s Minangkabau in West Sumatra, Dapunta Hyang set sail with a formidable contingent of twenty thousand soldiers. These troops, many of whom were the sea peoples or orang laut, played a pivotal role in establishing Srivijaya’s reputation as a maritime power. Their first port of call was Matajap, an island possibly located in today’s Vietnam or Borneo. Here, the empire began its expansion, demonstrating its military prowess and securing its influence over strategic maritime routes.

Dapunta Hyang’s ambition soon turned toward Jambi, a region rich in gold that held a considerable reputation for wealth and influence. By subjugating Jambi, Srivijaya not only augmented its own wealth but also significantly enhanced its standing among the kingdoms of the region. The success against Jambi and other regional powers cemented Srivijaya’s dominance, as it grew to encompass a network of Kedatuans, or local principalities, all pledging fealty to the central power in Palembang.

To maintain this allegiance and prevent rebellions, the Srivijayan ruler implemented a system of vassalage secured by the force of a sacred oath. The Telaga Batu inscription, found in eastern Palembang, is believed to have been used in such ceremonies. It warned of a curse that would befall anyone who dared betray the Srivijayan maharaja, ensuring loyalty through divine threat.

The late 7th century was a period of opportunity for Srivijaya, as it coincided with the decline of other significant kingdoms in the region, such as Tarumanagara in West Java and Kalingga in Central Java. Taking advantage of these shifts in power, Srivijaya expanded its control over crucial maritime routes, including the Straits of Malacca, the western Java Sea, and potentially even the Gulf of Thailand. By the end of the 8th century, the empire’s influence had reached into western Java, with former kingdoms like Tarumanagara coming under its influence.

Srivijaya’s prosperity was largely due to its strategic position, enabling control over the sea routes between India and China. The empire forged a tributary relationship with the Chinese dynasties, from the Tang to the Song, sending envoys to secure the favor of the Chinese court. Records of a Srivijayan mission to China in 1178 show the empire playing a crucial intermediary role in the trade of luxury goods, like the distinctive Bornean camphor, which was highly prized by the Chinese elite.

Srivijaya’s influence did not stop there. Langkasuka eventually found itself absorbed into the ever-expanding Srivijaya Empire. Langkasuka, once a thriving kingdom in its own right, eventually became a tributary to Srivijaya. This did not merely mean submission; it was a complex relationship of mutual benefit. As a tributary state, Langkasuka enjoyed the protection and maritime prowess of Srivijaya and, in turn, contributed to the empire’s wealth and prestige.

The thriving trade brought prosperity, as well as cultural and religious influences from other parts of Asia. The Hindu-Buddhist culture of Srivijaya permeated Langkasuka, as evidenced by archaeological finds that reflect the artistic and spiritual motifs common in Srivijayan culture. But perhaps more transformative was the gradual introduction of Islam, which was brought by Arab traders who frequented the Straits of Malacca, a region by then firmly under Srivijayan control.

These traders were not merely merchants trading silk and spices; they also traded ideas. Islam, which had already transformed much of the Arabian Peninsula and beyond, found fertile ground in the ports and cities of the Malay Archipelago. In Langkasuka, the ruling class began to adopt the new faith, a process that culminated with Phra Ong Mahawangsa, a descendant of the Merong Mahawangsa lineage, embracing Islam and laying the foundations for the first sultanate in Southeast Asia. In 1136, upon his conversion, he changed his name to Sultan Mudzaffar Shah I, becoming the first ruler of the Kedah Sultanate.

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Chapter 2 - Adruja Wijayamala Singa: The Unsung Heroine of History

Similar to other old kingdoms and empires around the globe, Langkasuka was not free from the violent grasp of wars and invasions. By the 12th century, Langkasuka had spread its borders and covered several regions of the peninsula, from modern-day Perak all the way to the eastern coastal regions of Terengganu and Kelantan. While Hinduism continued to dominate the Malay Peninsula, the locals saw the emergence of Islam brought in by merchants hailing all the way from the distant lands of Arabia and India.

By the 13th century, the ruler of the Kingdom of Grahi (also known as Jawaka), which was an integral part of the greater Langkasuka empire, made a huge decision. Raja Sakranta was said to have converted to Islam, thus changing his name to Raja Zainuddin. Unfortunately, little is known about the Grahi king. He was believed to have abdicated his throne to his son Sang Tawal (also known by his Muslim name Sultan Muhammad) in 1267. The reason behind his decision was unknown, but certain sources claim Raja Zainuddin wished to focus his life on matters involving religion. Others, however, claim that the abdication was not done willingly. Since Islam, at the time, was not yet a popular religion, the king’s conversion was not widely accepted among the subjects of Langkasuka. Hence, he stepped down and went on a journey across the archipelago, spending the remainder of his age spreading knowledge and ideas of Islam without a crown on his head.

Sang Tawal, on the other hand, only managed to enjoy a peaceful reign for several short years before chaos ensued. By 1279, the Sukhothai Kingdom of Thailand welcomed its third king of the Phra Ruang dynasty. Known in the history books as Ram Khamhaeng, the Thai king inherited a kingdom that was at its most prosperous. Apart from being credited for introducing the Thai alphabet, Ram Khamhaeng was also known for his military might. He managed to maintain a close relationship with the rulers of nearby city-states, but those beyond the Thai frontiers often encountered him in tense and violent confrontations. Even old records claim that his campaigns in Cambodia left the country utterly devastated.

Through the years, the Sukhothai king successfully expanded his realm, covering regions as far as Lampang (now the third-largest city in Thailand) to the Mon kingdoms in modern-day Myanmar and the Bay of Bengal. However, these territories were not enough to make Ram Khamhaeng sit still on his throne. With a highly capable army at his command, he turned his gaze south toward the Malay Peninsula.

Perhaps learning of the Sukhothai king’s intentions, Sang Tawal quickly worked to strengthen his kingdom’s borders. He ordered the construction of a fortress, hoping it could stop the Sukhothai army from infiltrating Grahi. But Ram Khamhaeng was not easily deterred. Campaigns were launched, and wars were eventually fought between the two rulers.

Days turned into months, and months turned into years, yet the two kingdoms never had a common ground. Sang Tawal was a formidable leader, but he alone could not win the war. Thankfully, the kingdom was blessed with another figure who would soon prove her might and surprise not only Sang Tawal and his high ministers but also the violent Ram Khamhaeng himself.

Known as Adruja Wijayamala Singa, this mighty female warrior was the daughter of Sang Tawal. Although raised as a royal princess, her curious spirit often took her beyond the safe walls of the palace. She yearned to experience the world and its challenges. From an early age, Adruja knew she must master the art of warfare should she ever be given a chance to govern her own kingdom. Hence, the princess spent her time not only in libraries and studies but also on the training grounds. Before she reached her teen years, she could outpace boys her age in horse riding. Her skills in weapon play were also remarkable; even the most seasoned warriors nodded in approval at her talent.

As soon as she became a teenager, Adruja was allowed to follow her father into battles. She could often be seen carrying the proud flag of the Kingdom of Grahi, symbolizing its resilience and hope, whenever the king engaged the Sukhothai troops. When the battles ended, Adruja would rush to help the wounded warriors; she dressed their wounds and gave them water. By experiencing violent battles firsthand, Adruja became familiar with the brutal realities of war. The sounds of swords clashing, the sight of arrows in the sky, and the cries of fallen soldiers became a part of her life. However, not once did these experiences intimidate or break her. Instead, the princess gained a deep understanding of the cost of war and the value of peace.

However, peace was not yet an option for the Kingdom of Grahi. The Sukhothai troops showed no sign of retreat. They attacked helpless villages several times. Houses were burned, and families were slaughtered without mercy. Women who survived often were sexually abused by the brutal Sukhothai soldiers. Some were then killed, while others were spared, only to live the remainder of their lives filled with trauma. These sudden attacks undoubtedly saddened the princess, and the terrible fate of those women constantly kept her awake at night.

One day, the princess came up with the idea of establishing her own army made up entirely of women. In a world where women were only expected to spend their hours doing house chores and preparing meals, Adruja wished to prove that, like men, women too can participate in war and assist in putting the Sukhothai forces back to where they belong.

With eyes filled with hope and determination, Adruja proposed her plan to Sang Tawal. However, the king was rather skeptical of the idea. He claimed that women should never participate in such brutal encounters. Sang Tawal suggested to his daughter that she remain outside of the battlefield and limit her contribution to only mending the wounds of the soldiers. The Grahi king even suggested marriage as an alternative for Adruja. In his mind, by settling down with a noble prince or a brave warrior, Adruja would be kept away from the direct dangers of war, ensuring her safety and preserving the royal lineage.

Of course, Adruja immediately shut down her father’s suggestions. She refused to marry and watch Grahi crumble from a distance when she could have played a greater part in protecting her people. She did agree to marry under one strict condition: the princess would only settle down with a man who could best her in a duel, fully knowing that no one stood the chance of even disarming her. Eventually, Sang Tawal relented to her wish the moment she recalled her bravery and experience of carrying and defending the kingdom’s banner during several battles against the Sukhothai.

Finally getting her father’s approval, Adruja left the palace almost immediately in search of capable women she could train to become ferocious warriors. She traveled to many villages, knocking on the doors of one house after another, but many refused to join her fight.

“Leave the fighting to our men. They are stronger than us.” Most young women across the kingdom quickly shut the princess down.

The search was difficult. Eventually, Adruja encountered a group of widows who had lost their husbands to the violent wars against the Sukhothai army. They doubted the princess at first, but they finally agreed to participate after listening to Adruja’s fiery speech. Adruja successfully recruited forty-one young widows into her special force, which she later named Seri Wijayamala.

The next step was to ready the supplies, weapons, and equipment for the force. The princess traveled to the port a short distance away from Grahi, where she purchased dozens of well-bred horses from the Arab and Turkish merchants. One particular horse caught her attention. Its coat was as white as snow, and its body was strong enough to withstand attacks on the battlefield. However, it was its exceptional speed that impressed the warrior princess. She made it her main steed and named it Halilintar (Malay word for lightning).

An example of a kelewang, which was used as a traditional weapon across the Malay Peninsula.

Tropenmuseum, part of the National Museum of World Cultures, CC BY-SA 3.0 <https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0>, via Wikimedia Commons: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:COLLECTIE_TROPENMUSEUM_Zwaard_in_schede_-_RV-781-103.png

Adruja also commissioned the production of special arrows that were said to be lighter and smaller than the usual ones yet could travel in the air faster and with extreme precision.

The women of Seri Wijayamala were expected to train all day long. They learned to ride horses, wield weapons, and fight like a true warrior. Most of them were masters of the bow and arrow, while others preferred the kelewang, a type of traditional single-edged sword capable of decapitating an enemy with a single slash. Even Adruja herself carried a kelewang named Kilatan (another Malay word for lightning or flash) into battle.

Done with the preparations and after countless hours of training, Adruja presented her special force to her father, Sang Tawal, and his ministers, who were, at the time, gathering around a map to strategize their next move against the Sukhothai. The ministers were quick to judge Adruja’s forces. With skepticism clearly shown in their eyes, the ministers threw question after question at them, unconvinced that a troop full of widowed women had everything it took to go to war. Some even laughed at the sight of these women, which further infuriated Adruja.

Instead of answering the questions of whether or not her fighters could even wield a spear, the warrior princess ordered one of the women named Puspa to release an arrow toward one of the ministers. With extreme accuracy, the arrow flew and landed next to the minister, only an inch away from piercing his face. The atmosphere went quiet following this event; the ministers were stunned into silence. Adruja, on the other hand, went on to present herself before Sang Tawal and introduce her newly formed special force.

The Seri Wijayamala’s training was finally put to the test when Adruja received news from a guard informing her of a sudden attack laid by the vicious Sukhothai at a village in the north. Without wasting another moment, Adruja and the Seri Wijayamala mounted their steeds and galloped to the village. Upon their arrival, they were greeted by an unimaginable sight of terror. Fires were blazing, burning homes to the ground. Children cried at the side of their father’s corpses. Women were dragged and separated from their families. One particular Sukhothai soldier shoved a woman on the ground. As she lay helpless, the man prepared himself to violate her. This scene caused Adruja to run amok. She rushed toward the soldier and decapitated him using her kelewang. As his head rolled on the ground, Adruja turned to her forces and ordered them to massacre the entire Sukhothai army.

It being their first time in a real battle, some of the female warriors puked the moment they witnessed dozens of decapitated heads and blood running endlessly on the scorched ground. Nonetheless, not one Sukhothai soldier survived. That night, Adruja and the Seri Wijayamala saved many women and children from dying at the hands of the unlawful soldiers.

However, the massacre eventually reached the ears of the Sukhothai king, Ram Khamhaeng. Vowing to get his revenge, the Thai king announced a full-fledged war against Grahi. He stated that he would lead a part of the Sukhothai troops.

Meanwhile, Sang Tawal, knowing that this battle would be nothing like he had experienced before, strictly ordered Adruja to remain within the city; perhaps, the king was worried about his daughter’s safety. Adruja attempted to reason with her father but to no avail. She could only watch as Sang Tawal and the Grahi soldiers marched out of the city in the direction of the battlefield.

However, Sang Tawal did not know that Ram Khamhaeng was a cunning war strategist. The Thai king had split his forces into two: one was to meet Sang Tawal and his forces on the chosen battlefield, while another was to take the golden opportunity and breach the city of Grahi itself.

Thankfully, Puspa caught a glimpse of the Sukhothai forces from a distance as they approached the city. With haste, the warrior informed Adruja of the enemy sightings. Using the element of surprise (remember, the Sukhothai army thought the city had been left with only little to zero defense), Adruja and the Seri Wijayamala successfully destroyed the enemy and stopped them from entering the city.

Intent on participating in the war and defending her land, Adruja led her special force toward the battlefield where Sang Tawal was supposedly engaging with the other half of the Sukhothai army. As soon as she arrived, her nightmare turned into a reality: Sang Tawal and his forces were on the brink of defeat. Adruja charged into battle, immediately followed by the rest of her forces, who swiftly cut down any soldiers who stood in their way.

Puspa eventually managed to spot Ram Khamhaeng on his war elephant, which was trampling across the battlefield, injuring and killing Sang Tawal’s infantry. Alerted by Puspa, Adruja quickly shifted her focus and rode toward the Thai king. While doing so, she shouted an order to her archers to shoot Ram Khamhaeng’s guards to create a path for her to get close to the king. It took only a few moments for the Seri Wijayamala archers to annihilate the royal guards. Then, a spear was thrown by one of the warriors, which pierced through Ram Khamhaeng. He immediately fell lifeless from his war elephant. Seizing the chance to end the battle, Adruja was said to have used her trusty kelewang to cut open the Thai king’s torso until his intestines were visible. She then decapitated the king and showed his severed head to the remaining Sukhothai troops.

Consumed by terror, the Sukhothai troops surrendered. While Ram Khamhaeng’s body was thrown into the sea, his severed head was kept in Grahi. It was not until a few months later that the head was returned to the Thai kingdom after a group of monks arrived to reclaim it.

However, Grahi was not meant to enjoy peace for too long. The kingdom would soon get attacked by Loe Thai, the new king of the Sukhothai Kingdom and the son of Ram Khamhaeng. Loe Thai swore to destroy Grahi and witness the Malay Peninsula burn. Unfortunately, not even Adruja and the Seri Wijayamala could stop the invasion. Grahi fell in 1325, and the region remains under Thailand’s influence today.

With the defeat, Sang Tawal was left with no choice but to retreat. While he established another city known as Kota Mahligai (believed to be in the region of Bachok, Kelantan), Sang Tawal also gifted a piece of land to his daughter as a symbol of gratitude for her service and bravery. This particular land was known as Sekebun Bunga, and Adruja was made its very first ruler. Here, Adruja was better known by the locals as Cik Siti Wan Kembang—a name that was later used to refer to the future queens of Sekebun Bunga. Adruja ruled the region for a decade before passing away in 1345.

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Chapter 3 - The Establishment of Melaka

Malaysia may appear rather tiny on the world map, but there is no doubt that the country has some of the most enthralling history and tales. Since the Malay Peninsula’s history traces back thousands of years, it saw the birth of several powerful kingdoms and legendary heroes that have long been immortalized in various historical records. However, many agree that it was the establishment of Melaka (also spelled as Malacca) in the early 15th century that marked the beginning of Malaysia’s golden age in trade and maritime power.

Although surviving records have different details of how exactly the kingdom was first founded, it is safe to assume that Melaka was the result of a series of intricate political maneuvers. Some may even agree that the establishment of Melaka is steeped in tales of not merely ambition but also betrayal and vendetta.

The story began with a man named Parameswara, the ruling monarch of Temasek, now modern-day Singapore. He was believed to have been a prominent ruler. His realm, bathed in prosperity and blessed with a bustling trade, excelled under his great leadership. Yet, it was his personal desire that eventually set in motion the wheels of change that would reshape the entire region.

Like many other governments of the old kingdoms, Parameswara did not oversee Temasek alone. He was often assisted by Sang Rajuna Tapa, one of his ministers who had significant influence. Aside from having a high position in the royal court, Sang Rajuna Tapa was also a father. His daughter was said to have been the epitome of beauty. Her looks and charms caught the attention of many, including Parameswara himself. Soon, the ruler of Temasek decided to take her as his wife, a decision that seemed romantic at first but would eventually become the start of a conflict.

The two were married on an unknown date, and from there on, Parameswara showered his newly wedded queen with affection and attention. However, like many monarchs of his time, Parameswara had several other concubines. Many of them were undoubtedly envious of the queen’s beauty and the special treatment that she got. Later on, a few of the concubines grew to hate the queen to the point where they planned on turning Parameswara against her. They stirred a rumor that talked of her alleged infidelity. Not long after, the terrible rumor reached the Temasek king himself. Parameswara was an astute king, but his temper often clouded his better judgment.

Consumed by rage, Parameswara started an investigation to probe the claim’s authenticity. He straightaway ordered a harsh punishment for his wife. Stories vary, but some suggest she was subjected to humiliation. The slandered queen was paraded in public without a thread of clothing on her body.

It is not known whether or not Parameswara regretted his rash decision, but we know that Rajuna Tapa refused to remain silent upon hearing news of his daughter’s public humiliation. He was distraught and swore vengeance. He would do anything to ensure the monarch who had egregiously wronged his beloved daughter went down in flames. Without wasting another moment, Sang Rajuna Tapa came up with a plan. To ensure success, he sought help from the mightiest power in the region, the Majapahit Empire.

The Javanese Empire emerged in Southeast Asia sometime by the end of the 13th century. By the time Parameswara came to power, Majapahit had long expanded its wings. It was an expansive thalassocracy in the region that covered large parts of modern-day Indonesia and beyond. Its navy power was unparalleled, and its soldiers were known to never back down until they accomplished their mission. Majapahit’s influence was absolutely impressive, and allying with such a force was wise on Sang Rajuna Tapa’s part.

Ready to see Parameswara suffer, Sang Rajuna Tapa, along with a force sent by Majapahit, besieged Temasek. The siege was, of course, not a walk in the park, as the island was known for its formidable defenses that could withstand such an attack for quite some time. Nevertheless, no one should underestimate Majapahit’s military prowess, and combined with Sang Rajuna Tapa’s knowledge of the city’s weak points, the city was bound to fall. Things came to a boil when Sang Rajuna Tapa, in a fateful act of betrayal and vengeance, successfully opened the city’s gates to the fierce invaders.

As the Majapahit forces poured into the city, wreaking havoc, Parameswara sank to the floor. He realized that he would soon face his fate should he attempt to hold his ground. Thus, the Temasek king made a hasty retreat. He fled northward, heading toward the Malay Peninsula. However, Parameswara was not planning on leaving behind his life as a ruler. He made his way to the top yet again by founding what would later become one of the most influential sultanates in Southeast Asian history: Melaka.

Interestingly, the story of Parameswara’s founding of Melaka does not rest on a singular narrative. Another popular and widely accepted version is recorded in the Suma Oriental, a 16th-century record authored by Tomé Pires, a Portuguese apothecary and colonial administrator. If we were to take account of Pires’s records, the beginning of his narrative brings us to Palembang.

Palembang was once a great city in the heart of the Srivijaya Empire. Parameswara, at least according to Pires, was born in that city. However, by 1377, Southeast Asia witnessed a change in power. The Majapahit Empire was growing tremendously, and many felt its military prowess, especially Srivijaya. Not a second was delayed when Majapahit noticed the decline of Srivijaya. Campaigns were launched, and Srivijaya was successfully conquered. With it, Palembang fell and came under Javanese control.

Following the conquest, Parameswara, who was the prince of Palembang, was to be married to a princess of Majapahit in an effort to seal an alliance with the naval empire. A wedding ceremony was held, and the two royal figures were wed. It is unsure if Parameswara ever harbored any romantic feelings for his wife, but the prince never planned on forging a peaceful relationship with the Javanese rulers. He refused to pay any form of tribute to the Majapahit rulers to portray his outright defiance against the invaders.

Parameswara knew he could not overthrow Majapahit right there and then. So, he pulled in the reins and waited for a sign of a crack in the powerful empire. When it happened, Parameswara took the opportunity to publicly declare his decision to retaliate, hoping he could liberate Palembang from the tight grasp of Javanese rule. Word of his rebellion swiftly reached the ears of the Majapahit emperor, who, in turn, dispatched his mighty forces to suppress the insurrection.

The early signs of Majapahit’s decline might have been written on the wall, but the empire’s soldiers were still a force to be reckoned with. Parameswara, who had terribly underestimated the military might of Majapahit, was stunned by the empire’s swift reaction. Overwhelmed, the Palembang prince had only one way to save his life for another day; he was forced to flee the very city he was born in.

His flight brought him to Temasek. Here, he was welcomed by Temagi, who was believed to be the representative ruler appointed by the Siamese Ayutthaya Kingdom. Parameswara saw another opportunity to rise back to his feet upon his arrival in Temasek. Again, he planned another rebellion. He learned his lesson not to announce it publicly. Instead, Parameswara sowed seeds of rebellion by whispering to Temagi. He convinced the ruler that he had what it took to rise against Ayutthaya and be free of the kingdom’s watchful eyes. However, under unknown circumstances, perhaps suspecting Temagi’s loyalty, Parameswara changed his plan. He murdered Temagi and claimed the throne of Temasek for himself.

Yet, fate had another path for him. Upon learning of Temagi’s murder, the Ayutthaya Kingdom sent out its forces to face the new, self-proclaimed ruler. Again, history repeated itself. Parameswara was heavily outnumbered and, with limited resources, failed to hold his ground. So, he chose to flee. Parameswara and his most loyal followers made their way to the north. They stopped by the Muar River in Johor first before continuing their journey to the Bertam River (the modern-day Melaka River).

Here, Parameswara and his followers sought refuge at a fishing village that belonged to a seafaring group known as Orang Laut. The village was rather quiet; since it was nothing more than a simple fishing village, it remained safe from the fierce forces of the powerful empires at that time. Considered a safe haven from battles and sieges, the number of refugees seeking shelter in the village increased each year. By the beginning of the 15th century, the village was no longer quiet, as it had transformed into a bustling area filled with people of various backgrounds, beliefs, and religions, including Buddhists from the north, Hindus from Palembang, and Muslims all the way from Pasai. The settlement eventually transformed from a modest fishing village at the mouth of the Bertam River into the very first piece of Melaka.

So, why Melaka? Where did this name come from, and what exactly was the reason that led Parameswara to choose this particular spot as the center of his new kingdom? Legend has it that Parameswara witnessed an unusual incident while resting by the Bertam River. This tale involves a mouse deer and Parameswara’s own hunting dog. After being cornered by the hunting dog, what seemed to be a timid mouse deer was expected to succumb to its fate. However, much to Parameswara’s surprise, the mouse deer kicked his hunting dog into the river, allowing it to escape unscathed. Considering the event to be a good omen, Parameswara, who had been resting under a tree called Melaka when it happened, chose the location as a site for his new kingdom, christening it with the same name.

Work began soon after, and Parameswara oversaw it. During its early years, Melaka flourished into a buzzing trade port thanks to its strategic location at the crossroads of the major maritime routes connecting East and West. Nestled between the Malacca Straits, it offered a safe and convenient harbor for ships sailing not only from the archipelago of modern-day Indonesia but also from China and India. To ensure the safety of merchants sailing into Melaka, Parameswara employed the Orang Laut, whose exceptional naval skills were beneficial in eradicating threats from pirates.

Melaka was soon recognized as a new burgeoning nucleus of commerce and trade by grand courts of various mighty Asian empires, particularly that of the Ming dynasty of China. Sometime in 1405, just a few short years following its establishment, Melaka welcomed a special envoy, Yin Qing, who had been sent by the Yongle Emperor (r. 1402–1424) of the Ming dynasty. This was not the only time Melaka received such an honor; it was just the beginning of an era of friendship between Melaka and China.

A memorial rock for the disembarkation point of Admiral Zheng He in 1405.

Mrpresidentfaris, CC BY-SA 4.0 <https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0>, via Wikimedia Commons: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Disembarkation_point_of_Admiral_Zheng_He_in_1405.jpg

In 1407, the prosperous kingdom again received a friendly visit from a well-respected Chinese envoy. This time around, Melaka welcomed the arrival of Admiral Zheng He, one of history’s greatest maritime explorers. He would visit Melaka six times in total, which clearly signified the importance of Melaka as a vital political ally and trading partner for the Ming dynasty. When it comes to economic benefits, these visits encouraged a wave of Chinese merchants to make Melaka their port of call. Within just a short span of time, these merchants established their trading bases in the city, making it a melting pot of not only commerce but also cultures.

Another crucial transformation took place during the reign of Raja Tengah, the third ruler of Melaka. When the city saw the arrival of a revered ulama named Saiyid Abdul Aziz, the people of Melaka were exposed to the teachings of Islam. This religion found a place in the hearts of nearly everyone, from the king to the senior officials and the common subjects. Raja Tengah, who was said to have been captivated by the ulama’s teachings, embraced the Islamic faith. He changed his name to Muhammad Shah and began to adopt the title of sultan, ushering in a new era known in history as the Sultanate of Melaka.

Reforms were introduced so that Melaka’s government aligned with Islamic principles. This transformation was not only limited to the royal court. Apart from championing its title as a thriving commercial hub, Melaka also became a center for Islamic studies. Before long, the port was busy with merchants setting up bases and scholars who hailed from distant lands. They traded, engaged in invigorating discussions, and pursued a never-ending quest for knowledge. Even the Jawi script, which was heavily influenced by the Arabic alphabet, became a medium for written communication and documentation in the region. The sultan also never failed when it came to spreading the seeds of Islam. Dozens of Muslim missionaries or da’i were dispatched throughout the Malay Archipelago, including to Java, Borneo, and the Philippines.

Through this cultural and religious renaissance, the peninsula was able to further develop the Malay language, literature, and arts, with Classical Malay becoming the lingua franca of trade in maritime Southeast Asia. This golden era of Melaka no doubt paved the way for the “Malayization” of the peninsula, crystalizing the Malay identity that can be seen today.

Although Melaka was continuously thriving, it was not immune to external threats. The sultanate’s main rivals were the northern Kingdom of Siam and the declining Majapahit Empire to the south. While Majapahit struggled to rival Melaka (the once-glorious empire eventually relinquished control over Indragiri, Jambi, Tungkal, and Siantan to Melaka later on), it was the Ayutthaya Kingdom that posed a more formidable challenge.

During the reign of Muzaffar Shah (the fifth sultan of Melaka), the threat from Ayutthaya became even more apparent. In 1446, a year following his coronation, the Siamese kingdom launched an attack on Melaka, aiming to conquer the region. However, Melaka had prepared for this moment. Brave forces, under the command of a man named Tun Perak, were rallied, and they successfully repelled the invasion attempt. Sultan Muzaffar Shah was said to have been beyond grateful and impressed with Tun Perak’s leadership. Tun Perak was appointed as bendahara, a position comparable to that of a chief minister.

Despite their defeat, the Siamese kingdom was ready to retreat. Under King Borommatrailokkanat a decade later, the Ayutthaya hatched another plan to take over Melaka, this time wielding naval power. Tun Perak immediately made a move upon hearing of this imminent threat. The sultanate’s naval defenses were cranked up to eleven, and an impregnable barricade was formed near Batu Pahat. With work on the defenses completed, Tun Perak and another valiant warrior named Tun Hamzah (also known as Datuk Bongkok) led a fleet against the Siamese. The two powers engaged in a fierce naval battle, but the might of the Melaka navy proved insurmountable. Again, the invasion was repelled. The Siamese forces were chased to Singapore.

However, that was not the end of the threats that loomed over Melaka. In 1469, another unfortunate event took place. This time around, it involved the forces of the Vietnamese kingdom, Dai Viet, which ambushed and enslaved returning Melaka envoys. Since Dai Viet was a Chinese protectorate, Melaka avoided any form of counterattack. Instead, the sultanate reported the ambush to China in 1481. Since the event was already years old by that point, the Chinese emperor was not able to do anything about it besides sending a letter to the Vietnamese ruler to express his disappointment. The emperor also granted permission for Melaka to retaliate with violence should the Vietnamese launch another attack–an event that never happened ever again.

The diplomatic bond between Melaka and China kept strengthening, especially during the reign of Sultan Mansur Shah (sixth sultan of Melaka). According to the Malay Annals, the sultan entrusted his bendahara, Tun Perpatih Putih (who was also the brother of Tun Perak), with the task of delivering a diplomatic letter to the reigning emperor of China. The bendahara had a way with words. He described Sultan Mansur Shah’s grandeur and his flourishing kingdom, which captivated the Ming emperor. The emperor sent his daughter, Hang Li Po, to marry the Melaka sultan.

The Chinese princess was said to have traveled to Melaka accompanied by her entourage of five hundred attendants. As a wedding gift, Sultan Mansur Shah gave his wife a hill known as Bukit Cina, which was then turned into their settlement. However, the existence of Hang Li Po remains a matter of debate due to the lack of concrete evidence.

Nevertheless, the deep diplomatic ties between Melaka and China were undeniable–Chinese influences in Melaka can still be observed today in the architecture, festivities, and traditions of the city.

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Chapter 4 - The Legend of Hang Tuah

In history, it is common for dozens of figures to become legends, with tales of their brave heroics and feats being passed from one generation to another. Hang Tuah is a great example of a popular legend from Malaysian history. Hailing from Melaka, the warrior was believed to have played a prominent role during the golden age of the kingdom. Although his existence remains a hot topic of debate among scholars, many cannot deny that the narratives of Hang Tuah’s adventures played a role in unifying the people of the Malay Peninsula under a shared cultural heritage and identity.

The themes of heroism, loyalty, and wisdom in these stories served as guiding principles for the old and young. Back then, these tales were an integral part of teaching the locals about the virtues of integrity and resilience in the face of adversity, hence defining their moral compass.

Although records that detail the stories of Hang Tuah’s early life are scarce, it is safe to assume that he had a rather humble beginning. He was born in 1431 to Hang Mahmud, one of the many royal guards of the sultan, and Dang Merdu Wati, who served as a dayang or a maid of the palace. Even in his early years, Hang Tuah showed signs of natural prowess, especially in martial arts. He picked up silat, a traditional martial art popular in the Malay Archipelago, and was able to master it in just a matter of several weeks. However, in his eyes, knowledge knew no boundaries.

Along with four of his closest friends–Hang Kasturi, Hang Jebat, Hang Lekir, and Hang Lekiu–Hang Tuah set on a journey to find Sang Aria Putra, a highly esteemed martial guru who lived atop a mountain away from the busy towns and villages of Melaka. Under the guidance of Sang Aria Putra, the five boys were able to hone their skills in silat and master the knowledge of warriors and guards, known in Malay as Ilmu Segala Parajurit dan Hulubalang.

Following their studies, Hang Tuah and his four comrades were put to the test, which eventually became a stepping stone for them to enter the intricate world of politics and the sultan of Melaka’s luxurious palace. This particular test took place in a certain village that had recently been attacked by a few men running amok. This chaos was heard by the bendahara, Tun Perak, who, along with his guards, went to the village to suppress the chaotic situation. Surprisingly, Tun Perak and his guards were immediately overwhelmed by the malicious men. Fortunately, Hang Tuah and his comrades were nearby to help. Without hesitation, they charged into the fray and showcased their extraordinary ferocity. The aggressors were driven away, and Tun Perak was saved.

Impressed by their act of bravery, Tun Perak decided to introduce the five young warriors to the reigning sultan, Mansur Shah. Upon listening to the story of how Tun Perak was saved, Sultan Mansur Shah extended his welcome to the five men. They were accepted into the royal court, with Hang Tuah receiving the esteemed title of laksamana (similar to an admiral) and entrusted with the sultan’s protection.

His newfound position as laksamana was just the beginning to his tale. From there on, Hang Tuah was involved in numerous diplomatic endeavors, acting not only as the majesty’s absolute protector but also as a mediator and royal messenger. His journey to Majapahit stands out as one of the most significant, as he was tasked to represent Sultan Mansur Shah in seeking the hand of Raden Galuh Cendera Kirana, the princess of the Majapahit Empire.

A bronze artwork depicting Hang Tuah.

Chainwit., CC BY-SA 4.0 <https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0>, via Wikimedia Commons: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Hang_Tuah,_Muzium_Negara_-_cropped.jpg

Of course, Hang Tuah’s adventure in Majapahit had its fair share of tribulations. The sultan and the princess were wed, but there was deception lurking in the shadows. During a banquet held by the Majapahit emperor (possibly Singhavikramavardhana) to celebrate the union of the two royal families, a scheme was carried out by the mahapatih (the military leader of the Majapahit Empire) in an effort to discredit Hang Tuah and the Melaka representatives.

The start of the banquet was joyous. The air was thick with anticipation as representatives from various regions mingled, accompanied by the melodic tunes of traditional music playing in the background. However, despite the talks and laughter, the atmosphere turned tense. The mahapatih had launched his secret plan. He ordered his men to spike the drinks offered to the Melaka representatives, causing them to go drunk. Miraculously, only Hang Tuah was unaffected by the drinks.

Then, a fierce warrior showed himself to the intoxicated guests. This warrior, known as Taming Sari, was loyal to the mahapatih. Thus, when he was ordered by the military leader to challenge Hang Tuah to a duel, he did so without question. The Majapahit emperor was against the idea, as he did not wish to have any commotion. He sent his men to disperse the situation to no avail. Hence, a fight was set in motion.

Hang Tuah lunged toward Taming Sari. He stabbed his opponent with a keris (a traditional curvy-bladed dagger) several times. Taming Sari easily parried Hang Tuah’s advances. Hang Tuah was never known to yield too quickly, and he attacked without losing his breath, moving fluidly in every pivot, duck, and roll. Yet, every stab failed to hurt the Majapahit warrior. Eventually, Hang Tuah discovered that it was not Taming Sari’s skill alone that protected him; it was actually his weapon. Taming Sari’s keris (which he named after himself) was believed by many to have been magical; whoever possessed it would be granted invincibility, which was why every attack attempted by Hang Tuah failed to leave even the tiniest scratch on him. So, Hang Tuah devised an impromptu plan to disarm Taming Sari.

With Taming Sari’s keris now in his possession, Hang Tuah stripped the Majapahit warrior of his magical protection. It was not long before Hang Tuah successfully pinned Taming Sari down, forcing the point of the keris deep into his opponent’s flesh, which almost instantly killed him.

Hang Tuah’s victory ceased the commotion at the banquet and cemented the relationship between the two kingdoms. The emperor of Majapahit even went to the extent of handing a few of his territories to the Sultanate of Melaka, while Hang Tuah, whose reputation skyrocketed, was rewarded with the magical keris, Taming Sari, which became his weapon in all battles and skirmishes.

Also during his journey in Majapahit, Hang Tuah took the opportunity to hunt for more knowledge. Informed by Sang Aria Putra years earlier that there was another martial guru who went by the name Sang Persanta Nala in Majapahit, Hang Tuah set on an adventure to search for him. Hang Tuah acquired the knowledge of wisdom and military tactics, which he undoubtedly valued to the end of his life, from Sang Persanta.

Hang Tuah’s bravery and tales of his travels in Majapahit spread in Melaka like a blazing wildfire. His stories became the subject of evening tales, and his name eventually became well known throughout the peninsula to the point that even children looked up to him, wishing to be exactly like the laksamana when they grew up. However, not everyone wished to see Hang Tuah prosper; some wished to harm him without having blood directly on their hands.

Among those who were envious of the laksamana’s increasing popularity was Patih Kerma Wijaya, who was said to be an exiled minister from Lasem, Java. Perhaps overwhelmed by his own failure, Patih Kerma Wijaya refused to sit down and do nothing while Hang Tuah rose to power in the royal courts of Melaka. A cunning strategist, he began hatching a devious plan to destroy Hang Tuah’s reputation. He gathered those who harbored jealousy toward the laksamana and began whispering to them about Hang Tuah’s illicit affair with the sultan’s favorite concubine.

This rumor reached the sultan, with a few dubious witnesses (probably sent by the envious Patih Kerma Wijaya) claiming that Hang Tuah was a traitor. Enraged and feeling betrayed, the sultan called for his bendahara. Without investigating the accusation, the sultan hastily voiced his decision to punish Hang Tuah by death. His execution was to be carried out by the bendahara. However, the bendahara, who suspected foul play in this matter, refused to do so. After all, Hang Tuah had always shown his loyalty to the kingdom and would put the sultan’s life before himself. The bendahara talked the sultan into allowing Hang Tuah to travel to Inderapura (modern-day Pahang), where he could seek an opportunity to prove his innocence and regain the sultan’s trust.

Upon his arrival in Inderapura, Hang Tuah wasted no time establishing contact with Bendahara Seri Buana, the father of Tun Teja, a woman whom the sultan had long had his eyes on. This was a golden opportunity; Hang Tuah was confident that should he successfully present Tun Teja before the sultan, he could be pardoned and freed from the slander. There was, however, a problem: Tun Teja was said to have been engaged to Megat Panji Alam, the prince of Terengganu.

Intent on returning to Melaka and clearing his name, Hang Tuah devised a rather tricky plot. He courted the princess himself. Tun Teja was initially reluctant, but Hang Tuah’s charm and persistent effort to win her over eventually bore fruit. Little did she know that Hang Tuah’s interest in her was not romantic but political. Nevertheless, Hang Tuah and Tun Teja went on to quietly set off on a voyage to Melaka. The sultan of Inderapura, who later discovered Hang Tuah’s trick, dispatched a force to intercept the voyage. They were thwarted by Hang Tuah’s strategic brilliance.

As soon as they arrived in Melaka, Tun Teja was paraded to the palace. However, much to her surprise, she was presented as a bride not to Hang Tuah but to the reigning sultan. Realizing Hang Tuah had tricked her, the princess resisted. Legend has it that Hang Tuah worked a magic on her that made her forget the love she had for him and accept the sultan as her husband.

Meanwhile, Megat Panji Alam of Terengganu rallied his army to attack Melaka for stealing his promised bride. He and his men were almost instantly squashed by the forces of Hang Jebat and Hang Kasturi, who had been dispatched by Hang Tuah. Without Megat Panji Alam, Inderapura was unable to form an alliance with Terengganu. Consumed by rage and disappointment, the sultan of Inderapura pronounced a death sentence on Tun Teja’s entire family. Hang Tuah, on the other hand, received a rather positive outcome. He was pardoned and reinstated as laksamana.

Despite his unwavering loyalty, Hang Tuah was not yet clear from the dark clouds of conspiracy. Again, envious figures spun treacherous tales of his infidelity. The sultan again ordered his execution. But Hang Tuah was saved once more by the level-headed bendahara, who chose to hide Hang Tuah in a secluded region of Melaka, far from the eyes of those who wished to harm him.

While Hang Tuah remained in hiding, his position was given to Hang Jebat, who was entrusted with the legendary Taming Sari keris. However, Hang Jebat refused to blindly serve the sultan since he had ordered an unjust punishment of his closest comrade. Fueled by anger and bitterness, Hang Jebat chose to take a stand and embarked on a bloody revenge mission. He unleashed a chaotic rampage in the royal palace. The broken warrior laid waste to all who crossed his path. None was able to best him due to his possession of Taming Sari. The helpless sultan, who witnessed the bloodbath, finally came to the realization that he was plagued by his impulsive decision to punish his most loyal admiral.

As things continued to get out of hand, the bendahara revealed to the sultan that Hang Tuah was alive after all. Grateful, the sultan pardoned Hang Tuah and ordered his return. In his view, Hang Tuah was the only one who could resolve the chaos. He entrusted the warrior with the grave task of executing his dearest friend, Hang Jebat.

And so, their rivalries began, going from close companions to mortal enemies. Both were a mirror to the other: Hang Tuah, a symbol of utmost loyalty, and Hang Jebat, the emblem of righteous fury. They fought each other for seven days until Hang Tuah managed to finally reclaim the Taming Sari keris through another one of his cunning ruses. Now left vulnerable without the keris, Hang Jebat felt a surge of excruciating pain inflicted by a stab from his once-beloved friend.

However, Hang Jebat’s fury ran deep. Despite his wounds, the warrior wreaked havoc across the city. Eventually, his rampage ended in Hang Tuah’s house, where he tragically died in the embrace of his dear comrade. Before taking his last breath, Hang Jebat was said to have looked Hang Tuah straight in the eye while telling him to always choose justice over blind loyalty.

In the sultan’s view, Hang Jebat was nothing more than a traitor. He was to be removed from history, with the sultan ordering the erasure of Hang Jebat’s footsteps. First, his house was ordered to be completely destroyed. When the sultan learned the news of a lady named Dang Wangi having given birth to Hang Jebat’s son, he decreed the innocent child’s death. Hang Tuah valued loyalty above anything else, but he was not devoid of humanity. So, the laksamana secretly handed the child, later named Hang Nadim, to the bendahara, who raised him in Singapore.

Following this tragedy, Melaka settled down as the sultanate began to thrive once more. Merchants poured in, and Melaka continued to be the epicenter of trade and culture, with scholars bringing tales of lands far beyond the horizon.

During this prosperous era, Hang Tuah, now no longer the spry young man he was before, found a new calling. As the Melaka royal court opened its door wide to diplomatic missions, Hang Tuah chose to leave his warrior days behind and focus more on becoming a roving diplomat. With his eloquence and wisdom, he found himself on journeys to lands far beyond the frontiers of Melaka. The warrior made use of his brilliant skills in communication and negotiation. From the Majapahit Empire to India, China, Ceylon, and even the distant lands of Egypt, Hang Tuah executed his duties well, presenting Melaka’s affluence to foreign powers with an unmatched grace.

Later, Hang Tuah was dispatched on yet another quest for love on behalf of the eighth sultan of Melaka, Sultan Mahmud Shah. This time around, his target was Puteri Gunung Ledang, a princess of unparalleled beauty who dwelled on the majestic Gunung Ledang (Mount Ledang). Hang Tuah, accompanied by another figure named Tun Mamat, managed to safely reach Gunung Ledang and meet the princess. However, getting the princess to agree to the marriage was far from a walk in the park. She was not charmed by Hang Tuah’s way of words, stating that she would only agree to marry the sultan if they were able to fulfill seven conditions: they were to build a silver bridge to Melaka to Gunung Ledang and a golden bridge connecting Gunung Ledang to Melaka, seven trays of mosquito hearts, seven trays of hearts gathered from germs, seven jars of virgins’ tears, seven barrels of young betel nut juices, and a bowl of blood from the sultan’s first son.

Seeing that it was impossible to fulfill the conditions, especially as the sultan refused to spill the blood of his son, Hang Tuah failed his quest, which was a rare occurrence in the history of his career. He was believed to have been so overwhelmed by this failure that he was hesitant to return to Melaka. Some claimed that he tossed his keris into the river, vowing to return to Melaka only if it resurfaced, which it never did.

Many barely saw Hang Tuah as the years passed. While a few suggested that the warrior participated in the fight against the Portuguese when they first approached Melaka, others whispered of his quiet retreat to Singapore, where he spent his twilight years in peace. His famed Taming Seri now rests in the possession of the sultan of Perak.

However, no one can actually determine the fate of the loyal laksamana. His tomb has never been confirmed; one can be found in Tanjung Kling, Melaka, but many believe it only symbolizes the spirit of Hang Tuah, with his true resting place remaining a mystery. Nevertheless, his intriguing tales of loyalty, bravery, and wisdom continue to inspire generations. Today, schools, streets, and institutions in Malaysia have been named after him, ensuring that his legacy remains alive.

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Chapter 5 - Threats from Faraway Lands

Ever since the early 15th century, the Portuguese kept themselves busy building an empire. As their empire grew, the Portuguese became deeply interested in dominating the spice trade, which could not only bring their empire onto a higher platform in the eyes of the world but also reshape global commerce and geopolitics. So, they kept their eyes open, observing the world’s most important trade routes and hoping that there would be a day when they could eventually make a move and conquer these regions.

Then came a new discovery in 1497 that stunned the European sphere. News arrived that famed Portuguese explorer Vasco da Gama had successfully led a voyage around the Cape of Good Hope. This was the beginning of a new era. The European merchants had long dreamed of the day when they no longer needed to travel the treacherous Silk Road. When a maritime route between Europe and Asia became a reality, they were overjoyed. Europe, especially Portugal, was undoubtedly poised for a new age of exploration and expansion.

First, they set their sights on Cochin, India, where a person could find one of the finest natural harbors in the world. Cochin was also located on the Malabar Coast, which was close to traditional maritime routes linking the West to Southeast Asia and the Far East. Cochin’s strategic location, combined with its position as the focal point for the spice trade, made it the perfect stronghold for the Portuguese should they wish to establish their dominance in the Indian Ocean trade network. Thus, they embarked on an invasion quest. By 1503, Cochin had been successfully integrated into their growing global empire.

However, this was not enough for the Portuguese to hang up their weapons for good. Far into Southeast Asia stood another lucrative trading hub: Melaka. The Portuguese Empire took its first few steps of conquering Southeast Asia. In 1509, twenty Portuguese merchants were sent to Melaka. After being granted permission from Sultan Mahmud Shah to dock their ships, the Portuguese quickly used the time they had to set up trading posts alongside other international traders in the city.

The arrival of the Portuguese merchants and their rapid construction of trading posts soon raised eyebrows. Officials in the palace saw the sudden arrival of these foreigners as rather suspicious. The bendahara and the influential Gujarati merchants were the most vocal of all; they informed the sultan of their worry that these traders could be a threat to the kingdom. They demanded the sultan make a move, so he ordered a covert operation to be carried out in the dark of night. Disguised as merchant ships, a fleet of Melaka forces ambushed the unsuspecting Portuguese. This operation was a success, which led the Portuguese to beat a hasty retreat. The twenty merchants, who were still busy constructing their trading posts, were abandoned, resulting in their capture. However, rather than execute these Portuguese traders, Sultan Mahmud Shah imprisoned them—a decision that would soon contribute to the fall of the sultanate.

Meanwhile, a military genius named Afonso de Albuquerque had just made a name for himself. Albuquerque was a man of opportunity. As soon as he sniffed that internal strife and political instability were brewing within the Bijapur Sultanate, the admiral was quick to move his forces to Goa, where he planned on establishing a strategic foothold. Making use of the element of surprise, the Portuguese entered the city. The Bijapur sultan was able to muster enough forces to reclaim the city two months later, but the Portuguese soon made their appearance again. Albuquerque returned in November, this time accompanied by a reinforced fleet and troops.

Unfortunately for the Bijapur Sultanate, the Portuguese were absolutely a force to be reckoned with. With a combination of naval blockades, artillery bombardment, and land assaults, the Portuguese managed to overpower the city’s defenses without heavy casualties. By 1510, Goa went on to become an important Portuguese maritime base in the East. With Goa secured, Albuquerque was able to focus on another challenge.

In 1511, the admiral received an unexpected communication from a man named Rui de Araújo, one of the imprisoned Portuguese in Melaka. Through a series of letters, Albuquerque was fed invaluable information about Melaka, from the kingdom’s population to the city’s layout, military strength, and internal political issues. Many may wonder how exactly this prisoner was able to send letters across the vast Indian Ocean. The answer lies in Nina Chatu, the leader of the Tamil community in Melaka, who held a personal grudge against Sultan Mahmud Shah.

Sultan Mahmud Shah inherited the sultanate when his father, Sultan Alauddin Riayat Shah I, died in 1488. He was a young man when he rose to the throne, and presumably due to his age, Mahmud Shah was often criticized for his inexperience. The sultan was not everyone’s favorite, and his reputation began to crumble further when he made a hasty decision to punish his bendahara, Tun Mutahir, who also happened to be the uncle of Nina Chatu. According to old records, Tun Mutahir was accused by the envious Laksamana Khoja Hassan of having been involved in a scheme to overthrow the sultan. Without substantial evidence, Tun Mutahir was charged with treason and put to death. Ever since that unfortunate event, Sultan Mahmud Shah began to slowly lose the support of his subjects, particularly those within the Tamil community and Chinese and Javanese traders.

Learning of the political turmoil and the sultan’s weak position among his subjects from Rui de Araújo, Afonso, ever the opportunist, made a move. He moved his fleets from Cochin to Melaka in late April 1511, where he laid a naval blockade to prevent supplies from entering Melaka. Sultan Mahmud failed to lift the blockade because he lacked a military force at the time due to an ongoing war with the Hindu Aru Kingdom. Only a small local defense was dispatched, which was, unsurprisingly, no match for the larger Portuguese fleet. The blockade also put a strain on Melaka’s food and supplies. The kingdom was put in a vulnerable position.

This was the right moment for Albuquerque to strike a negotiation with the sultanate. The admiral demanded the sultan return the twenty Portuguese prisoners. In return, he would lift the blockade. Sultan Mahmud delayed his decision initially, hoping he could bide his time until his main fleet returned. However, the sultan was pressured by the Portuguese, who, by the middle of July, began bombarding the city. The sultan eventually agreed, but Afonso broke his promise and refused to lift the blockade. Instead, he made two more audacious demands from the sultan: compensation for the suffering of the prisoners and permission for the Portuguese to build a fortress in Melaka. At this point, Albuquerque’s intention was clear—Melaka was to be a Portuguese colony.

An illustration of the city of Melaka by Manuel Godinho de Erédia, a Portuguese writer.

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Malaca_(manuel_godinho_de_eredia_1604).jpg

And so, war was set in motion. With the help of Rui de Rojo, who was now freed, Afonso obtained information on Melaka’s military strength. According to Rui de Rojo, the sultan had up to twenty thousand men at his disposal, though only four thousand of them were battle-ready at the time. These forces were primarily made up of Javanese, Persian, and Turkish mercenaries. They were accompanied by local Malay soldiers and dozens of war elephants. The Portuguese, on the other hand, had only one thousand soldiers, which included heavily armored infantry, riflemen, crossbowmen, and pikemen.

The Portuguese were outnumbered, but they planned on relying on their naval artillery. Thus, a strategic location was chosen. Thanks to Rui de Araújo, who pointed to the location, the Portuguese chose to assault the Melaka forces near a bridge connecting Upe, a commercial area located on the northern half of Melaka city, and the Royal Quarter. The Portuguese docked their ships by the side of the bridge so that they could make use of their naval artillery, which would bombard the incoming Melaka forces on land.

The Portuguese assault took place in two stages. The first phase, which began on July 25th, 1511, ended with the retreat of Sultan Mahmud, who fell from his war elephant while commanding his army. The Portuguese infantrymen were said to have used their pikes against the royal elephant, causing it to panic. The rest of the war elephants faced the same fate too—all of them turned away in panic and scattered out of formation. Although wounded, the sultan managed to escape with the help of his guards. Mahmud Shah’s terrible state on the battlefield shattered the morale of his troops. The sultanate also lost foreign support. The Javanese withdrew their troops upon realizing that it was just a matter of time before the Portuguese would claim victory.

The first stage of the assault was called off when Albuquerque came to realize how short on provisions they were. Nevertheless, the invaders were able to burn the royal palace and multiple mosques along the way before leaving the battlefield.

The second phase took place in early August. Despite the sultan’s impressive arsenal consisting of artillery pieces and firearms, they were not enough to repel the Portuguese army. By August 24th, 1511, the Melaka Sultanate saw its end, as Albuquerque and his men took full control of the city. Four hundred Portuguese soldiers poured into the city, marching to the sound of drums and trumpets. Those who dared to stand in their way were eliminated. The once-glorious city of Melaka was sacked. Its last sultan failed to defend his realm. He retreated to the mouth of the Muar River, where he set up camp.

Now a king without an empire, Sultan Mahmud Shah tried to muster a resistance from his new camp and attempted to reenter his former city after learning of Albuquerque’s departure in January 1512. Yet, he failed once again. Forced to leave his encampment by the Muar River, the sultan retreated to Pahang. Here, the sultan survived an assassination attempt. Later on, Mahmud Shah journeyed to Bintan, an island kingdom southeast of Singapore. However, the sultan’s arrival in Bintan was not a peaceful one. He managed to usurp the throne and once again waged war with the Portuguese in Melaka. But just as before, it resulted in failure. The Portuguese retaliated and wreaked havoc across Bintan in 1526 before returning the kingdom to its rightful ruler.

Finally, Mahmud Shah retreated to Kampar, Sumatra, and remained there until his death in 1527. His son, Alauddin, established the Sultanate of Johor, which, despite its sour relationship with the Portuguese, managed to eventually find a common ground with the empire, at least for a while.

As for the Portuguese in Melaka, their might would not go unchallenged for too long. They first experienced threats from the north, led by the ambitious ruler of Aceh, Sultan Alauddin Riayat Shah Sayyid al-Mukammal (not to be confused with the first sultan of Johor, Alauddin Riayat Shah II) over four decades later. Driven by the Pan-Islamic alliance in 1568, the Sultan of Aceh sought to expel the European invaders from not only Melaka but also from the coastal regions of India. With reinforcements sent by the Ottomans, the sultan of Aceh dispatched an impressive naval fleet to Melaka. They laid siege on the Portuguese-controlled city. However, Melaka’s defenses had greatly improved, especially when it was put under the watchful eye of the seasoned commander Dom Leonis Pereira.

While the Sultanate of Aceh had the Ottomans as their key ally, the Portuguese were surprisingly supported by the sultan of Johor (Sultan Ali Jalla Abdul Jalil Shah II), who was not yet ready to face the implications of a shift in power. Together with forces sent by the Johor Sultanate, the Portuguese were able to put a stop to Alauddin’s assault. But this was not the last of Aceh. The sultanate would continue to attack the European invaders. Johor would rekindle its friendship with Aceh and combine their forces against the Portuguese years later. Indeed, Melaka remained in the tight grasp of the Portuguese for more than a century, but these relentless assaults would eventually take a toll on their resources and influence.

By the 1570s, the Portuguese had been driven out of the Spice Islands by the sultan of Moluccas, resulting in the weakening of their influence over the lucrative spice trade. As they struggled with their waning dominance, especially in Southeast Asia, another formidable European contender soon rose, preparing to leave its mark on the region.

This other European power came all the way from the Netherlands. The Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie (VOC), or the Dutch East India Company, was established in 1602 and was eagerly making its grand entrance into the global race for colonies and trade. With its exceptional fleets and resources, the VOC played a prominent role in shaping the geopolitics of Southeast Asia.

The VOC had its capital built in Batavia (modern-day Jakarta). Apart from serving as its primary base of operations where military campaigns, administrative affairs, and trade networks were managed, Batavia’s strategic location also became a midpoint for the Dutch as they sought to control and profit from the immensely valuable spice trade flowing from the surrounding islands, notably the Moluccas.

Since they had their eyes on the Spice Islands, the Dutch acknowledged the importance of Melaka as the precious gateway between the wealthy islands of Indonesia and the markets of the Asian mainland. From the Dutch point of view, securing Melaka could boost their dominance in the flow of commerce in the region.

However, to get their hands on Melaka, the Dutch had to go through the Portuguese. Not deterred by their military might, the Dutch challenged Portuguese authority over Melaka. In May 1605, a fleet of eleven Dutch East India Company ships, led by Cornelis Matelief de Jonge, left the Netherlands en route to the Malay Peninsula. They stopped by Johor the following year and entered into negotiations with the sultan, hoping for a joint venture to topple the Portuguese. According to the pact, the Dutch would retain Melaka and be given the rights to trade in Johor. The Dutch promised never to wage war with Johor, and the two powers agreed to respect each other’s religious practices and territorial autonomy.

With an alliance with the Johor Sultanate, the Dutch went on to besiege the Portuguese fortress in Melaka. The Dutch cut off any form of supplies from entering the city, hoping that hunger would engulf the Portuguese. Once the Portuguese were vulnerable, the Dutch planned to attack the enemy via a direct assault on land. However, there was a hiccup; Johor was not confident in the Dutch ability to take down the Portuguese. The sultanate only dispatched a few reinforcements to aid the Dutch. They did, however, provide a safe haven for the Dutch at their ports and granted them some supplies to keep the campaign running.

Without enough forces, the Dutch were not able to attack head-on. The Portuguese managed to hold their ground until August 1606, when a relief fleet from Goa under Dom Martim Afonso de Castro arrived. The confrontation between the two parties resumed, with a naval battle taking place off Cape Rachado. Perhaps luck was not yet on the Dutch side, as they were outmaneuvered by the Portuguese, resulting in their retreat to Johor. But the Dutch never planned on giving up. In the following years, other Dutch commanders, such as Pieter Willemsz Verhoeff in 1608, attempted to conquer Melaka, but these efforts failed.

A naval battle between the VOC fleet and the Portuguese.

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:AMH-6473-KB_Battle_for_Malacca_between_the_VOC_fleet_and_the_Portuguese,_1606.jpg

The turning point came in August 1639 when the Dutch returned with a considerable force from Batavia. They were also able to gain the allegiance of the ruler of Aceh despite his rivalry with the Johor sultan. The combined force laid siege to Melaka the following year. Both parties faced casualties, not due to each other’s assault but to disease outbreaks. The death toll rose each day, taking the lives of infantrymen and skillful commanders. Yet, the Dutch refused to retreat.

The siege proved fruitful by November when famine terrorized the city. The Dutch and their allies pushed on, taking advantage of the dwindling Portuguese resources. Finally, on January 14th, 1641, 650 Dutch soldiers successfully stormed into the Portuguese citadel, marking the end of a century of Portuguese dominance over Melaka.

With the fall of the Portuguese in Melaka, the Dutch wasted no time to solidify their influence in the region. Trading agreements were made with multiple states across the Malay Peninsula, including Kedah and the state of Perak, which was famously known for its abundance of tin. These agreements showcased the Dutch intention to control the lucrative tin trade, an ambition that was not always met kindly. This was evident in 1651 when their outpost in Perak was destroyed and its garrison killed by the Malays.

Dutch Melaka, circa 1750.

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Malaca,_Malaka,_Histoire_g%C3%A9n%C3%A9rale_des_voyages,_Paris,_Didot,_1750.jpg

When Melaka was ruled by the Portuguese, the city was one of the most thriving trade hubs in Asia, second only to Goa. Yet, by the 1660s, Melaka’s trade witnessed a decline under Dutch rule. This happened because of the Dutch, who valued Batavia more than Melaka. And so, recognizing the change, the Sultanate of Johor took the opportunity to open the seaport of Riau to unrestricted commerce. In the span of just a few decades, Riau’s trade became a reflection of Melaka back when it was flourishing. The Dutch remained an ally to Johor, perhaps to avoid any unwanted chaos in the Straits of Malacca.

The 18th century saw the rise of the Bugis, a group from the southwestern region of Sulawesi who had migrated to Melaka following the Dutch conquest of Makassar. The Bugis successfully amassed enough forces to capture Riau and eventually the Sultanate of Johor in the 1720s. Under their leader, Daeng Kamboja, the Bugis laid siege to Dutch Melaka sometime in 1756. Fortunately for the Dutch, they received reinforcements from Batavia, which made it possible for them to turn the tide and force the Bugis to retreat.

The Bugis’ dominance eventually waned as time passed by. Yet, the Dutch were not allowed to enjoy a moment of peace for too long. Later, another formidable shadow emerged from the horizon, their focus set on not only Melaka but also the entire region of the Malay Archipelago. The British Empire’s colossal fleets were en route to Southeast Asia, prepared to challenge those who stood before them.

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Chapter 6 - The Start of British Intervention

Britain had been expanding its reputation across the globe, but the heartbeat of its ambition in Asia was the British East India Company (EIC). Founded in 1600, the EIC started out with one aim: to trade in the Indian Ocean region. However, as the decades passed, its role changed from trading to administration, governance, and, at times, military intervention. Parts of India, for instance, fell to the EIC in 1757, with the company acting as a sovereign power on behalf of the British Crown.

Fast forward to slightly less than a decade after the EIC’s invasion of India. The company saw another opportunity to broaden its wings. This time around, the British had their eyes on the Malay Peninsula, or what they called Malaya. Like many other foreign powers, Malaya’s rich natural resources and strategic maritime location were irresistible.

The British entry into Malaya began in the late 18th century on Penang Island, which is located on the northwestern coast of the peninsula. The island’s potential was recognized by a naval officer and private trader named Sir Francis Light in 1771. He envisioned Penang as not only a thriving trade center but also a powerful naval base that could greatly benefit the British. In 1786, Light launched a mission to get his hands on the region. However, he did not begin with aggression. Instead, Light entered into negotiations with Sultan Abdullah of Kedah, the reigning king of the region.

Francis Light knew he had the higher ground in the negotiations with the sultan, especially since he knew that the Sultanate of Kedah was in the midst of turbulence and uncertainty. Sultan Abdullah had found his realm trapped between the aggressive expansion campaigns of two colossal Asian powers at the time: the Siamese Kingdom to the north and the Burmese Empire to the northwest. The Burmese pursued territorial gains and were at odds with the Siamese following the sacking of Ayutthaya’s capital in 1767. The Siamese, on the other hand, wished to assert their dominance over the northern Malay states so that they could create a buffer zone against the Burmese.

Sultan Abdullah desperately needed allies to save his territories from being invaded. Perhaps seeing the potential of revamping his defenses through an alliance with the British, the sultan considered Light’s offer, which included a promise of military aid to repel any incoming foreign attacks along the coast. The sultan would also receive thirty thousand Spanish dollars annually in exchange for granting rights to the British to establish a trading post.

However, Light never intended to generously aid the sultan. In fact, his negotiation terms were not entirely transparent. He exaggerated the threats that loomed over Kedah to further pressure the sultan into considering his offer. Light promised Kedah military aid, but this particular term was ambiguous at best. Little did the sultan know that Francis Light had no clear directive from the EIC (at this time, he was not employed by the East India Company) or the British Crown to offer such assistance. Nevertheless, Light successfully convinced—or rather deceived—the sultan into agreeing to the negotiations. A treaty was signed between the two parties in August 1786, allowing Light to informally take possession of Penang. He named his newly acquired territory the Prince of Wales Island and established its capital, which he named George Town in honor of King George III.

The same year, the Siamese laid an assault against Pattani, which was at the time part of Malaya. Sultan Abdullah turned to the British for the military aid that Light had promised. Unfortunately, his call for help fell on deaf ears, and Pattani was lost to the Siamese. It is still a possession of Thailand today. Realizing that Light never intended to honor his promise of protection, the sultan rallied his army to drive the British out of Penang. The attack was supposed to take place at Seberang Perai, yet Francis Light was always a step ahead; he had already prepared a force to defend himself on the peninsula. The sultan’s forces were forced to retreat.

As a result, Sultan Abdullah was left with no choice but to sign another treaty that allowed the British to formally take possession of Penang. The promised annual compensation of thirty thousand Spanish dollars had never been given. Instead, the British agreed to commit to an annual payment of six thousand Spanish dollars.

Francis Light’s vision for Penang was not merely for military objectives. The British transformed the region from an uninhabited island into a buzzing trade hub. Traders and merchants flocked to Penang as soon as its port was declared duty-free. It was a hub of various cultures. Just as the century came to a close, its trade flourished with a diverse range of goods coming in and out of the island, from aromatic spices, including cloves and nutmeg from local plantations, to tea, ceramics, and pepper from Aceh, to vibrant textiles coming all the way from India.

However, Penang was not the only region that fell under the rule of the British; the island was merely the foundation for what would become a series of acquisitions, invasions, and treaties that led the British deeper into the peninsula’s heartland.

With Penang Island secured, the British cast their gaze to the south. The British were well aware of the Dutch presence and dominance in Malaya’s trade. They knew they were in need of yet another base in the region so that they could challenge the Dutch. In their eyes, Singapore was the perfect choice. Although it was nothing more than a humble fishing village at the time, its location at the crossroads of major maritime routes fit the needs of the British. To acquire this small yet precious island, the EIC sent out their visionary administrator and lieutenant governor Sir Stamford Raffles.

Raffles arrived in Singapore sometime in January 1819, when it was still under the control of the Sultanate of Johor. However, a golden opportunity shone in front of Raffles: the sultanate was currently embroiled in an internal affair involving a leadership scuffle between Sultan Abdul Rahman and his brother, Tengku Hussein. Since Tengku Hussein was the eldest, he was the rightful heir to the throne. But Tengku Hussein had been absent when their father, Sultan Mahmud Shah III, passed away, so the crown was given to Abdul Rahman.

Tengku Hussein was, of course, displeased with the situation. When Sultan Abdul Rahman’s rule was acknowledged by the Dutch, Tengku Hussein turned to the British, hoping they could aid him in reclaiming the throne.

Seizing the opportunity to intervene, Raffles announced his support for Tengku Hussein. However, his voice came with a price. A treaty was forged between the two parties that allowed the British to establish a trading post in Singapore. The British also agreed to pay an annual sum in return. Transforming Singapore into a busy trade hub, with Arab, Chinese, and Indian traders making it their pit stop, the British began to assert their dominance over the island by gradually limiting the power of the local rulers.

Of course, the Dutch were infuriated by this audacious move, viewing it as a breach of their sphere of influence. The two empires went on to have a contentious rivalry, each vying for more power and territories. They did not meet eye to eye for years, but the economic drain that came from their rivalry brought upon a much-needed resolution. In 1824, the British and the Dutch convened to sign the Anglo-Dutch Treaty, which redefined their colonial boundaries in Southeast Asia. Under the terms of this particular agreement, the Dutch acknowledged British rule over Singapore, while the British recognized Dutch control over Indonesia. The strategic port of Melaka was also passed to the British (ending the 183 years of Dutch occupation of the peninsula). In return, the British had to cede control of Bengkulu to the Dutch. While both powers bore the responsibility of eliminating the pirates harassing the region, the Dutch were no longer allowed to intervene in matters involving the Malay states.

With Melaka, Penang, and Singapore now added to their fold, the British had to streamline and formalize their administration. In 1826, all three of these crucial territories were unified as the Straits Settlements. Overseen by the EIC and later put under direct British control as a Crown colony in 1867, George Town was initially made the capital until 1832, when it was moved to Singapore. The Straits Settlements rapidly grew into major commercial hubs, leading to an unimaginable economic boom. From here on, the archipelago welcomed more immigrants from China and India, which gave birth to colorful multicultural communities. These immigrants brought with them not only their labor and skills, which were crucial to the economic expansion of the Straits Settlements, but also their customs, traditions, languages, and cuisines, most of which can still be seen in the region today.

With the blooming Straits Settlements, the British grew more interested in cementing their foothold on the peninsula. Malaya had a wealth of untapped resources, and in the eyes of the British, it would be absurd to ignore the opportunity to expand and capitalize on them. One particular resource that caught their attention was tin, which was experiencing a global demand in the 19th century.

The Malay states of Perak and Selangor, in particular, were rich in tin deposits, making them extremely valuable to the British. Tin mining also led to an influx of even more Chinese immigrants who were seeking an escape from either poverty or political turmoil in their homeland. Drawn by the allure of the “tin rush,” Chinese immigrants began settling in the once quiet backwaters of Perak and Selangor, giving birth to many mining towns.

However, this rapid transformation was not without its complications. The Chinese immigrants formed different clans and secret societies, primarily for mutual protection and to stake their claim in the lucrative mining business. Rivalries became a common sight, and many erupted into bloody violence.

Perak was on the verge of chaos. In 1871, the state was plunged into trouble when the ruling sultan suddenly died. This immediately caused a power vacuum, with multiple contenders fighting to claim the throne. This political turmoil, combined with a series of wars between the Chinese secret societies (also known as the Larut Wars), drove Perak to face civil unrest. This unrelenting chaos was viewed by the British as both a challenge and an opportunity. They decided to intervene so that order and peace could once again be restored, but they also had another objective; this was the perfect moment to secure their economic foothold in Perak and oversee a steady flow of tin to meet global demands.

British intervention culminated in the Pangkor Treaty of 1874. Signed between Andrew Clarke, the governor of the Straits Settlements, and Raja Muda Abdullah, the son of the deceased sultan of Perak, the British successfully established their influence over Perak. While they recognized Raja Abdullah as the new ruler of Perak, the sultan had to welcome James W. W. Birch as his British Resident; he would assist in administration matters. Although framed as an advisor to the local sultan, Birch actually possessed significant power over state affairs, rendering the sultan a mere figurehead.

The Pangkor Treaty of 1874 might have quelled the civil unrest in Perak, but the growing British influence was clearly not accepted by many. After having a British Resident installed to eyeball their every movement and stripping their sultan of power, the locals chose to voice their outrage, with some getting involved in a few episodes of resistance. One of the most memorable rebellions against British control was led by a local chieftain named Dato’ Maharaja Lela.

Dato’ Maharaja Lela was not a stranger within the local Malay community. He was the chief of Pasir Salak and a staunch traditionalist who saw the installation of James W. W. Birch as a direct insult to Malay customs, traditions, and, of course, sovereignty. Birch was not a favorite among the locals. His series of reforms at modernizing Perak were seen as overbearing and insensitive to local sensibilities. He introduced policies that curtailed the powers of local chiefs. He was believed to have been extremely dismissive of local customs and traditions, frequently bypassing the traditional Malay elites in making decisions. Birch also attempted to control land ownership, which challenged the traditional Malay system of communal land rights.

The situation reached a boiling point in November 1875 when James Birch arrived in Pasir Salak to declare the British right to collect taxes from the lucrative mining industry. This was the last straw in the eyes of Dato’ Maharaja Lela. It symbolized the erosion of Malay dignity and autonomy. Hence, the chieftain decided to take matters into his own hands. As Birch was taking a bath in the Perak River, Dato’ Maharaja Lela and a few of his followers ambushed him. Caught by surprise, the British Resident could not do anything to defend himself. He was assassinated.

The sword used to assassinate James Birch.

Thomas Quine, CC BY 2.0 <https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0>, via Wikimedia Commons: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Sword_used_in_the_1875_assassination_of_J.W.W._Birch_(31839139523).jpg

News of the murder reached the British, who responded swiftly. A high bounty was placed on the head of Dato’ Maharaja Lela and those involved in the assassination. They were eventually captured and put on trial in December 1876. About a week later, the chieftain was found guilty and punished to death. Dato’ Maharaja Lela and his accomplices were hanged on January 20th, 1877.

This event marked a turning point in the British administration within Malaya. The British realized that it was necessary for them to establish a more centralized administration if they were to control and suppress local uprisings. So, another administrative structure was introduced. In 1896, the British established the Federated Malay States (FMS), which brought together four regions: the tin-wealthy states of Selangor and Perak, Negeri Sembilan, and Pahang.

The British saw the establishment of the FMS as both practical and strategic. Yet, in the viewpoint of the locals, it did nothing but further diminish and erode their local sovereignty. The Malay sultans only had a say in ceremonial and religious matters, while the British, in essence, gained complete control over the administration, the economy, and even the judiciary.

Because of this, the local populace grew even more angry. Dato’ Maharaja Lela’s resistance in the late 19th century might have ended badly, but his death did not scare or subdue the Malay communities. Colonial rule sowed seeds of nationalism and a desire for independence where local sultans and ministers held power.

Mat Kilau was another significant figure of resistance who bravely stood his ground in the hopes of protecting Malay rights and customs from being eroded by the colonizers. Mat Kilau was born in the mid-19th century to Imam Rasu, a well-respected religious leader, and his wife, Mahda. He operated mainly in Pahang. At the time of Mat Kilau’s rise, the British were asserting their power in economic matters and also inserting their influence in religious and cultural issues among the locals. Although the British typically claimed to have adopted a policy of non-interference in religious matters, there were instances where colonial policies impacted religious institutions. Religious leaders who were seen as compliant would easily get the support of the British, while those who voiced their discontent would be treated unfairly.

So, a retaliation led by Mat Kilau began sometime in 1891. Known as the Pahang Rebellion (sometimes referred to as the Pahang War), the rebellion mainly involved guerilla warfare tactics, which made it difficult for the British to establish complete control over Pahang. From here on, the British, in their reports, often described Mat Kilau as a “rebel,” but to many locals, he was a freedom fighter, defending Malay land and honor.

The British were able to quell the rebellion in 1895, with Mat Kilau believed to be among the warriors who fell during a battle with the British. His unfortunate death was said to have been reported by The Strait Times and The Singapore Free Press on October 22nd, 1895. However, Mat Kilau survived. Left with no choice but to self-exile, Mat Kilau moved from one place to another, living incognito for decades. No one was aware of his survival except for a few of his closest comrades, who brought that secret to their graves. Mat Kilau only emerged from hiding in 1969 (twelve years following Malaysia’s independence), much to everyone’s surprise, to tell the story of his life.

Then, as the 20th century came to a close, the British were met with another major resistance. This time around, the rebellion took place in Kelantan after the British, through the Anglo-Siamese Treaty, successfully took direct control of the state in 1909. Led by a leader famously known as Tok Janggut, the uprising in 1915 showed signs of success. After winninga battle against the British in Pasir Puteh (a district in Kelantan), Tok Janggut declared the district’s independence. However, not everyone was pleased with Tok Janggut’s rebellion, especially the reigning sultan of Kelantan, who saw his aggressive success as an act of defiance.

A portrait of Tok Janggut.

Diyana AR, CC0, via Wikimedia Commons: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Tok-janggut.jpg

Branded as traitors, Tok Janggut and his followers were ordered to surrender. A bounty of $500 was placed on their heads. If they failed to submit themselves within seven days, the rebels would be charged with death. Despite this, Tok Janggut and his followers refused to surrender and hid in the jungle, waiting for another opportunity to free their beloved state from the clutches of the colonizers.

On June 25th, 1915, Tok Janggut led an attack on Pasir Puteh, along with a thousand of his most loyal followers, each armed with either guns or traditional weapons. Here, they were met with Indian troops dispatched by the British. Although Tok Janggut’s forces easily outnumbered the enemy, the battle was won by the British, whose troops were better equipped. Tok Janggut was killed in the battle. While the bodies of the warriors were buried, Tok Janggut’s corpse was paraded through Kota Bharu before being hung upside down along the shores as a warning for those who planned to go against the British.

These uprisings, although they ultimately failed to evict the British, highlighted the strong undercurrent of discontent within the Malay community. The stories of Dato’ Maharaja Lela, Mat Kilau, and Tok Janggut were immortalized and became an inspiration for future generations in their fight for independence.

Yet, the journey to be free from these invaders was still a long one. The British would retain their tight grasp over the peninsula for several more decades.

​

Chapter 7 - The Struggles in Borneo

Similar to the eastern peninsula, the Southeast Asian island of Borneo had long been a focal point of regional powers that sought to gain a firm grip over the rich resources scattered throughout its dense rainforests and intricate river systems. The Sultanate of Brunei (established in the 14th century), for one, had expanded its dominion to control significant portions of Borneo, including the region known to us today as Sarawak.

The Bruneian Sultanate, as with other Malay Muslim kingdoms of its time, thrived on trade and were known for its naval might and diplomacy. Sarawak, which was somewhat loosely governed by the sultanate by the 18th century, was pretty much unknown to the outside world. Its abundant resources were largely untapped. However, things began to change in 1537 when Sarawak first appeared on maps drawn by curious European explorers, signaling the early stages of European interest in this particular region of Southeast Asia.

The discovery of antimony ore in the Sarawak River during the 19th century further boosted the region’s popularity. Antimony, a lustrous gray metalloid, was used in alloys to increase hardness and strength. Therefore, it was not a surprise when the Europeans, who were experiencing the Industrial Revolution at the time, planned to sail across the ocean in the hopes they could get their hands on the valuable ore.

The Bruneian Sultanate also saw the potential for increased revenues, realizing it would be wise to tighten its grip on Sarawak. The sultanate made a move that would set in motion the early stages of British intervention in Sarawak. Oppressive taxes and controls were imposed by the sultanate, which eventually led to widespread discontent, especially among the Bidayuh and Malay communities. Weary of these overbearing policies and keen on self-governance without being closely watched by greedy outsiders, locals staged rebellions against the Bruneian Sultanate.

During these episodes of political unrest and economic opportunity, James Brooke, an Englishman with a penchant for adventure, entered the scene. Having purchased a 142-ton schooner with inheritance money from his father in 1836, Brooke dreamed of a grand exploration, both for scientific understanding and personal glory. Setting sail from Plymouth in 1838, he arrived in Kuching, Sarawak, in 1839.

Brooke’s arrival was seen as a golden chance for the Brunei prince, Pengiran Muda Hashim (who was also the uncle of the reigning sultan of Brunei, Omar Ali Saifuddin II). Pengiran Muda Hashim wasted no time seeking Brooke’s assistance. Much to the prince’s disappointment, James Brooke did not immediately agree to the offer. He initially refused to intervene in Sarawak’s internal affairs.

However, things changed a year later. Brooke was supposed to return to Europe, but he made the decision to stop by Sarawak for a second time before continuing his voyage. Seeing the state was still in turmoil, the Englishman changed his mind. He met with Pengiran Muda Hashim once more and set some conditions if he were to help. Perhaps in a dire need to quell the rebellion, the Bruneian prince agreed to fulfill Brooke’s terms, which was to make him the governor of Sarawak.

A portrait of James Brooke.

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Sir_James_Brooke_(1847)_by_Francis_Grant.jpg

With his plans to return home now changed for the moment, Brooke provided crucial support to Pengiran Muda Hashim and successfully suppressed the chaos. Brooke’s swift response greatly impressed the Bruneian prince. Grateful, Pengiran Muda Hashim signed a contract on September 24th, 1841, handing the title of governor of Sarawak to Brooke. Although Sultan Omar Ali Saifuddin II did not entirely favor the Englishman, he made Brooke’s appointment official the following year. Brooke was crowned the first White Rajah of Sarawak in August 1842. This groundbreaking shift in power was symbolized by the hoisting of Sarawak’s new flag in 1848, which bore the Brooke coat of arms.

The relationship between James Brooke and the sultan took a dark turn in 1844. Upon returning to Brunei after a significant absence, Pengiran Muda Hashim discovered that his position had been taken by his rival, Pengiran Muhammad Yusuf, due to a palace coup. With the support of James Brooke and British naval commander Sir Edward Belcher, the Bruneian prince was able to reinstate his position and was even earmarked to succeed as the sultan of Brunei.

However, this reconfiguration of power did not sit well with many, especially with Sultan Omar Ali Saifuddin II and his own son, Pengiran Temenggong Anak Hashim. So, the two plotted an assassination of Pengiran Muda Hashim in early 1846, which was a success.

Pengiran Muda Hashim’s brutal death undoubtedly infuriated James Brooke. In retaliation, the British, led by Rear Admiral Thomas Cochrane, stormed the city of Brunei later that year. Parts of the city were set on fire, forcing Sultan Omar Ali Saifuddin II to flee to Damuan.

Meanwhile, James Brooke’s reign heralded transformative changes for Sarawak. Even before he managed to obtain the piece of land, Brooke had noticed the rampant piracy that plagued the region. Once in control, he moved swiftly to curb the issue. Administrative reforms were instituted, codified laws were introduced to streamline the justice system, and infrastructure projects, like roads and public buildings, were launched, forging a path for the state’s modernization.

Word of Sarawak’s transformation spread rapidly. By 1850, the United States recognized Sarawak as an independent state, with Britain following suit in 1863. But with rapid change often comes discontent. Not all were pleased with Brooke’s reforms or his style of governance.

Among the most formidable opponents was Rentap, an Iban warrior chief from the uplands of the Sungai Sekarang. Rentap’s disdain for Brooke’s rule was mainly rooted in key policy changes. In his effort to modernize and consolidate power, Brooke aimed to eradicate the traditional collection of taxes by local chieftains. Perhaps to Brooke, these chieftains were akin to pirates, yet for many, this tax collection was a primary source of revenue. Furthermore, Brooke’s interventions in Iban cultural practices, particularly headhunting rites, were seen as a direct offense to their way of life.

A relief representation of Rentap.

Benutzer D-M, CC BY-SA 3.0 DE <https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/de/deed.en>, via Wikimedia Commons: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Rentap.jpg

By 1853, Rentap had amassed a sizable force of brave warriors and launched an assault on the British outposts along Sungai Sekarang. The British were caught off guard by Rentap’s men, leading to intense skirmishes between the two sides. In one notable encounter, one British ally named Alan Lee was slain by Rentap’s son-in-law, Layang, with a spear, while another British man named William Brereton was seriously wounded, although he managed to escape. However, the British were not planning on retreating so easily. Brooke’s forces were ordered to raze Rentap’s base of operations, torching twenty longhouses (a type of traditional house in Sarawak).

In the wake of this destruction, Rentap relocated, constructing a new residence along the Sungai Lang farther upstream from Sungai Sekarang. This was the moment when he rallied his forces and shouted his famous phrase, “Agi Idup, Agi Ngelaban.” which roughly translates to “We will fight as long as we live,” before charging into another perilous battle.

However, the relentless pressure from Brooke’s forces persisted. They eventually launched an attack on Rentap’s longhouse, compelling him to retreat once more. Rentap then established another fortress atop Bukit Sadok, a hill that became synonymous with his story of resistance. The fortification of Bukit Sadok was further strengthened by a cannon known as the “Bujang Timpang Berang.”

Brooke, recognizing the challenge posed by Rentap’s stronghold on Bukit Sadok, initiated multiple attempts to capture the defiant Iban leader. It wasn’t until 1861 that they finally managed to destroy the gates and breached Rentap’s defenses on Bukit Sadok. They used several cannons, including one named “Bujang Sadok.”

In the aftermath of the conquest, Brooke’s forces razed Rentap’s fortifications and dwellings on October 20th, 1861. Rentap, ever the resilient leader, retreated to Ulu Entabai, where he built another fortress. As he entered old age, Rentap and his followers moved once again to Bukit Sibau. It was here that Rentap’s journey came to an end. A few years later, the great Iban leader passed away at the age of around seventy.

James Brooke kept a watchful eye over Sarawak until his death in 1868. Upon James Brooke’s passing, his nephew, Charles Brooke, succeeded him. Charles continued his uncle’s policies but also embarked on several initiatives of his own. Efforts were also made to expand the state’s agricultural and mining sectors. Education became a focus, with more schools being established, thereby laying the foundation for a more literate and skilled population.

Charles was then succeeded by his son, Charles Vyner Brooke. During Vyner’s rule, Sarawak witnessed significant sociopolitical changes. He introduced a constitution in 1941, which aimed at sharing administrative powers with Sarawakian representatives. This move was seen as a way to grant more autonomy to the people of Sarawak, which was completely different from the more autocratic governance of the past. However, the Brooke dynasty’s plans for Sarawak took an unexpected turn with the onset of World War II.

While Sarawakians to this day remember Rentap as one of the unforgettable heroes who fought tirelessly for their land, Sabah (formerly known as North Borneo) had an almost similar chapter of history. This hero that the Sabahans immortalized was known as Mat Salleh.

To understand the roots of resistance in Sabah, it’s essential to delve into the pre-British era. Sabah, like its neighbor in the south, had a surreal natural beauty and an unimaginable amount of valuable resources. Sabah was largely under the influence of the Brunei Sultanate. However, its eastern regions, owing to historical ties, were under the Sulu Sultanate. This duality in sovereignty made Sabah’s geopolitical landscape rather complex.

The first significant foreign intervention in Sabah began in 1865 when the American Trading Company of Borneo attempted to establish a settlement on Pulau Balambangan (Balambangan Island). However, due to financial difficulties, the attempt was not realized. In 1872, a discerning British trader named Alfred Dent stepped in. Recognizing Sabah’s potential, he negotiated with both the Sulu and Brunei Sultanates, which eventually led him to secure a lease for Sabah’s territories. By 1875, this venture had evolved into the British North Borneo Provisional Association Limited.

In 1881, with significant contributions from William Clark Cowie, a notable shift occurred. The British North Borneo Chartered Company (BNBCC) was formed and was subsequently granted a royal charter. Seven years later, Sabah was declared a British protectorate. However, the administrative reins remained firmly in the hands of the BNBCC.

Area of the Chartered Company’s Property.

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:BritishNordBorneo-AreaOfTheCharteredCompanysProperty.PNG

Under BNBCC stewardship, Sabah underwent a transformation. The company initiated infrastructural developments, tapping into Sabah’s rich resources. Trade ports emerged, railways were constructed, and vast expanses of land were converted to tobacco plantations, attracting Chinese migrant workers and creating a socioeconomic shift. Yet, not all was well.

Prior to British colonization, local leaders had the authority to collect taxes from their communities. However, with the onset of the British regime, especially under the aegis of the British North Borneo Chartered Company (BNBCC), a new taxation scheme was introduced.

To support their expansive projects, such as the railway line from Teluk Brunei (Brunei Bay) to Pelabuhan Cowie and the telegraph line from Labuan to Sandakan, the BNBCC imposed significantly higher taxes. These infrastructural endeavors, while aimed at modernizing Sabah and facilitating communication, came at a substantial cost, not just financial but also societal. To meet these developmental expenses, the people were burdened with higher taxes and exploited through a forced labor system. This atrocious system coerced locals into working on these projects without even providing them proper wages, let alone respectful treatment and rights.

One of the most problematic parts of this new taxation regime was the placement of a tax on daily necessities like rice. Rice, a staple in Sabahan diets, was now subject to an additional 5 percent tax. The Chinese community, which was greatly affected by the imposition, banded together to oppose it. Represented by the North Borneo Chinese Association in 1898, they sent a telegraph to London, pleading with the company to reconsider the exorbitant tax hike. Eventually, this tax issue became a rallying point for Mat Salleh and his followers. Rice was vital to them, as it was a key source of nutrition, and the British were not only taxing it but also humiliating the locals by using a few of them as tax collectors. These tax collectors took advantage of their newfound power and often overcharged, adding salt to the wounds of the aggrieved public.

The BNBCC implemented a mandatory boat licensing system, which only added to the discontent. Boats, essential for transportation and a lifeline for many Sabahans, now came under scrutiny. This licensing system was viewed as yet another oppressive rule, burdening the locals with more taxes. The Sabahans saw these policies as not just economically burdensome but also divisive; this was an attempt to fracture the unity of the Sabahan community. The combined effect of these tax practices fueled the flames of rebellion. This was where Datu Mohamed Salleh Datu Balu, often known as Mat Salleh, entered the history books.

Mat Salleh inherited his father’s position as a high official in Sulu. His tale of resistance began after a certain event where two Dayak (another indigenous ethnic group in Sabah) merchants were brutally murdered by a few unknown villagers. News of these murders reached the British; the villager who delivered this news claimed the culprits were none other than the loyal followers of Mat Salleh. The villager also told the British that Mat Salleh had defied them by collecting taxes in Sungai Sugut (the Sugut River). Such claims were enough for the British to order Mat Salleh’s capture. However, the warrior appeared before the British and, almost immediately, sternly defended himself with full confidence. Seeing no other choice, the British had to free him—at least for a while.

However, the warrior was not planning on walking away. Mat Salleh wanted to resolve the taxation issues and pressure the British to return power to the local chieftains. Mat Salleh initially took the step of approaching the British North Borneo Chartered Company with peaceful intentions. With a small group of followers, he addressed their issues, particularly the high taxes and the terrible treatment of the locals, to the governor of Beaufort, C. V. Creagh.

Unfortunately, Creagh was nowhere to be found when Mat Salleh arrived, as he had gone to visit Darvel Bay (also known as Lahad Datu Bay). Taking advantage of the governor’s absence, the other British officials chose to ignore Mat Salleh and his followers. For two days, they waited for the British to respond, yet not a word arrived. Enraged by the terrible hospitality, they left without achieving what they had initially hoped for.

Once Creagh returned, the same British officials sent him a report, falsely claiming that Mat Salleh and his followers had assaulted them. Without investigating any further, Mat Salleh was once again put on a wanted poster.

The British dispatched a force to search for Mat Salleh and capture the defiant warrior. However, they failed to locate him, which led them to destroy Mat Salleh’s home and his town. All of his possessions were seized. The British raised the stakes; they promised those who managed to get their hands on Mat Salleh a handsome payment.

This marked the beginning of an armed resistance. The first episode of the rebellion ended with the British destroying two of Mat Salleh’s fortresses in Sungai Libawan and Sungai Sugut. However, Mat Salleh was able to retreat. On February 23rd, 1897, the British laid an assault on Ranau, hoping they could finally get their hands on the cunning resistance leaders. But, again, they failed.

The first display of Mat Salleh’s armed opposition against the BNBCC occurred in July 1897. Mat Salleh, along with his followers, stormed and razed several houses, stalls, shops, and the company’s administrative offices on Pulau Gaya (Gaya Island). Later that year, in a more significant show of defiance, he attacked and set ablaze the company’s residency office in Ambong before retreating to Ranau. In December 1897, the British retaliated by launching an attack on Mat Salleh’s stronghold in Ranau. This military expedition ended in disaster for the British, with many of their soldiers meeting their end at the hands of Mat Salleh’s forces. Undeterred, in January 1898, the British, bolstering their forces, mounted another assault on Ranau. Facing this overwhelming might, Mat Salleh strategically retreated once again.

Tired of the chase, the BNBCC chose to sheathe their weapons and offered a peace negotiation with Mat Salleh. Although peace was agreed by both sides, the British were not planning on sticking to their words. Enraged, Mat Salleh resumed his resistance efforts.

The last confrontation took place in Tambunan, where Mat Salleh had meticulously constructed yet another fortress. This fortress in Tambunan was a marvel of guerrilla warfare design. Built using bricks, wood, and bamboo, it was virtually bulletproof. Each corner was heavily guarded, and the fort was riddled with secret tunnels and underground passages. These clandestine routes served dual purposes: facilitating the import of arms, food, and other supplies and offering escape routes when besieged by the enemy.

However, the tides of war are unpredictable. After a while, the British proposed a truce. Mat Salleh, despite objections from his men, agreed, hoping for a lasting peace. But this tranquility was short-lived. In 1899, the company made a move to seize Tambunan from Mat Salleh, reigniting the flames of war.

The culmination of this resistance came on February 1st, 1900. Mat Salleh’s fortress in Tambunan faced an intense assault from the company. Despite their valiant defense, the fortress at Teboh in Tambunan fell. This marked the end of Mat Salleh’s resistance. While his fate remains unknown, the British were able to cement their influence over Sabah for years to come.

British control over Sabah was interrupted when Japanese forces occupied the region during World War II. Yet, after the war, following the Japanese withdrawal, Sabah once again found itself under British dominion until its eventual merger into Malaysia.

​

Chapter 8 - The Japanese Invasion

The 1930s saw the rise of Japan, which had been rapidly expanding its influence in Asia. Motivated by both economic and geopolitical imperatives, the Japanese military made a daring step in 1931. They seized the region of Manchuria from China, shocking the international world and laying bare Tokyo’s aggressive imperial ambitions. With the region now firmly in their grasp, the Japanese wasted no time in establishing Manchukuo, a puppet state that remained under Japanese rule. This, however, was only the beginning. The world watched, mostly in silence, as Japan gradually strengthened its grip on the region.

By 1937, relations between Japan and China had deteriorated to the point of full-scale war. The Sino-Japanese War highlighted Japan’s insatiable need for natural resources. Battles raged, and territories were gained, but the war was about resources as much as it was about territorial domination for Japan. Oil, rubber, and tin were in great demand, as they were vital for Japan’s war machine and economic sustenance. The late 1930s and early 1940s were defined by a rising sun in the East. Japan’s grand ambition to establish a dominant presence in Asia was clear and undisputed. However, as Japan’s borders grew, primarily in China and subsequently in Indochina, it sparked international alarm, particularly among Western nations.

In response to Japan’s aggressive maneuverings in China and Indochina, the United States, a worldwide power with strong interests in the area, began taking steps to limit its rising supremacy. By 1940, America had imposed economic sanctions on Japan, including a ban on the export of essential resources like iron ore, scrap iron, and steel. The goal was rather simple: to crush Japan’s industrial machine, thereby preventing its advance into neighboring territories.

However, the initial sanctions imposed by the US did not have the anticipated effect. Instead of discouraging Japan, the country appeared to be more determined in its expansionist ambitions. Taking into account the failure of the initial sanctions, the United States imposed even more severe measures in July 1941. It severed all trade connections with Japan and went as far as to freeze all Japanese assets under its authority. This caused a significant hit to the Japanese economy and worldwide trade.

However, the United States was not alone in its anti-Japan stance. Other major players, including the United Kingdom, China, and the Netherlands, joined the embargo bandwagon, putting restrictions on oil exports to Japan in response to similar concerns. Oil, a critical resource for Japan’s military and industrial operations, became a scarce commodity. With these embargoes, Japan found itself in a precarious situation, deprived of the very resources that were crucial for its economic and military success.

Because of these challenges, Japan was standing at a crossroads. The empire could only think of a few options, though none of them were particularly appealing:

Cease its imperialistic ventures: This would entail Japan withdrawing from its acquired territories, particularly in China and Indochina. A move like this would be equivalent to a public declaration of failure.

Maintain the status quo: Without a significant shift in strategy, this approach would result in Japan’s economy stagnating, if not regressing, as a result of the resource crunch.

While both options were completely different, the consequence was the same. Japan would “lose face”—an unacceptable result, especially since the Japanese valued their honor and reputation above all else.

However, there was a third option. It required extra effort, but it appeared to be the most viable given the circumstances. Japan could seek to establish its own economic sphere of influence, which was later dubbed the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere (GEACPS). This ambitious plan entailed seizing control over parts of Southeast Asia, particularly the resource-rich Malay Peninsula.

To carry out this plan, the Japanese had to get rid of one obstacle in its way: the powerful US Navy stationed in the Pacific. The presence of the US fleet posed a significant threat; it had the ability to disrupt Japan’s maritime routes, especially those in the East China Sea. These routes were key to unlocking Japan’s ambitions, as they ensured the smooth transportation of resources gathered from captured territories back to the homeland.

The Japanese had to first neutralize this threat. So, Japan made the decision to launch a strike at the heart of the US Pacific Fleet. The main idea was to incapacitate the fleet so that the Japanese could buy the time it needed to expand its power in Southeast Asia and the Pacific without the interference of the Americans.

On December 7th, 1941, Japan launched its audacious attack on the US naval base at Pearl Harbor, Hawaii. Barely hours after the flames rose in Pearl Harbor, the Japanese troops were dispatched to another part of the globe. They made their presence felt at Kota Bharu (the capital of Kelantan) in the northeastern part of the Malay Peninsula. This was, indeed, the opening move in their Malayan campaign, and the suddenness of their operations definitely took the British defenders by surprise.

The Japanese employed a combination of tactics that were innovative for the time. The Malayan jungles were typically dense, so the British expected the Japanese to advance slowly. However, the Japanese had everything figured out. Instead of advancing by foot, they used bicycles and brought only light equipment. This allowed the troops to move with a speed that was unforeseen. Their mobility also allowed them to bypass, surround, and sometimes completely ignore strong British defensive positions.

The British had placed immense faith in their defensive strategies. The dense Malayan jungles were perceived to be a formidable natural barrier against any invader. But nature’s barricade proved no match for Japan’s innovative warfare. As the Japanese troops laid surprise attacks, outflanking and outmaneuvering the British at every turn, the British, along with their Indian, Australian, and Malay contingents, found themselves constantly on the back foot.

The British strategy, in many ways, was a series of underestimations. They had underestimated Japan’s intent, its capabilities, and the speed with which its troops could move. This underpreparedness, combined with the unexpected tactics of the Japanese, made the British retreat, which became a recurring theme in the early stages of the campaign.

As the British forces were pushed back, Singapore became the final fortress, the last bastion of British resistance in the Malay Peninsula. This island, sometimes dubbed the “Gibraltar of the East,” was believed to be an impregnable fortress, boasting vast naval bases, military installations, and a sizable garrison. However, its defenses were primarily sea-oriented. Since Singapore was surrounded by water, the British believed that an attack would come from the sea, not the land. But the Japanese, displaying their knack for unanticipated warfare, advanced down the Malay Peninsula and reached the narrow Straits of Johor in just slightly over two months following their arrival in northern Malaya.

British soldiers surrendering to the Japanese in Singapore.

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Bosbritsurrendergroup.jpg

The siege of Singapore was beyond intense. With aerial bombings, shelling from artillery across the strait, and ground pressure, the British and its allied troops found themselves trapped. The city’s infrastructure crumbled, water supplies were threatened, and the morale of the defenders waned each day. On February 15th, 1942, having no other way to defeat the aggressive Japanese invaders, Lieutenant General Arthur Percival surrendered Singapore to the Japanese—a move that sent shockwaves through the British Empire. The British, who were eighty-five thousand men strong, were defeated by only thirty-five thousand Japanese troops.

Once they had established control, the Japanese did not waste a single moment to consolidate their occupation of the Malay Peninsula. The locals, especially the ethnic Chinese, were the ones who bore the brunt of Japanese aggression. The Japanese viewed the ethnic Chinese with deep suspicion due to their potential support for China in the ongoing Sino-Japanese War. As a result, massacres became the norm across the peninsula. Events like the Sook Ching massacre in February 1942 saw thousands of Chinese in Singapore rounded up under the pretext of anti-Japanese activities. They were interrogated, tortured, and killed, instilling fear and resentment among the local population.

Japanese soldiers shooting blindfolded Sikh prisoners.

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Japanese_shooting_blindfolded_Sikh_prisoners.jpg

Unsurprisingly, the Japanese were not just oppressive occupiers. They were also shrewd propagandists. They began to widely promote the concept of the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere, portraying it as an unbreakable Asian brotherhood and a way to be united against cruel Western imperialism. The message was clear: Asia was for Asians. While this resonated with some, many viewed it with extreme skepticism, seeing through the facade and recognizing it as yet another form of imperialism.

Within this crucible of occupation and propaganda, Malaya saw the rise of the Malayan Communist Party (MCP), which had been around since the 1920s. Those involved in the party showed absolute commitment to resisting Japanese influence, yet it was their unwavering allegiance to communist principles that made them a wildcard in the eyes of many. Years back, the British had viewed the MCP with suspicion and often hostility due to its leftist ideologies. However, the British eventually changed their minds when the Japanese threat became more apparent.

And so, in a dramatic shift, the MCP was able to negotiate with British authorities, leading to the release of numerous left-wing political prisoners. These newly freed individuals proved instrumental in strengthening the backbone of the rising resistance. Realizing the potential of an organized local resistance against the Japanese, the British took it a step further. They established a training school in Singapore where MCP members could be taught guerilla tactics, sabotage techniques, and espionage. With this newfound knowledge and bolstered by British-provided weapons and intelligence, the MCP formally established a group known as the Malayan Peoples’ Anti-Japanese Army (MPAJA).

Although the allegiance was not exactly expected, it was an alliance forged out of necessity, with both sides recognizing the mutual benefits. In the eyes of the British, the MPAJA could be a valuable tool to disrupt Japanese operations from the inside, potentially turning the tide of the war. Meanwhile, for the MPAJA, receiving the support of the British gave them an opportunity to chase the Japanese out of the region and solidify their own position in post-war Malaya, ensuring they would have a say in the future of the land they fought to liberate.

The MPAJA employed classic guerilla warfare tactics, making use of the dense Malayan jungles as their shield and cover. From hidden bases deep within the forest, they struck at Japanese supply lines, ambushed unaware patrols, and sabotaged various infrastructure. Railways, communication posts, and transport routes became frequent targets. The MPAJA sought to cripple the Japanese occupation and perhaps sow seeds of fear within their ranks.

However, the MPAJA’s strength wasn’t solely derived from their combat prowess. They built an intricate network of support among local communities. Villagers, many of whom had experienced Japanese brutality, especially the ethnic Chinese, provided the MPAJA with crucial intelligence, supplies, and shelter. This allowed the MPAJA to remain elusive and always one step ahead of the Japanese forces and their punitive expeditions.

However, the path of resistance was plagued with danger and risks. The Japanese were known for their brutal counter-insurgency measures. Villages suspected of supporting the MPAJA would often face severe consequences. The Kempeitai, the Japanese military police, conducted frequent raids, searching for MPAJA members and their sympathizers. Suspects were often subjected to torture and, worse, execution.

Yet, as the Japanese soon got embroiled in trouble with the MPAJA, Malaya once again saw a hint of light at the end of the tunnel. It was during this time that the MPAJA’s role in post-war Malaya started to become a subject of contention. The British, having utilized the MPAJA as a tool against a common enemy, were wary of the communists’ post-war ambitions. With the end of the Japanese threat, the MPAJA’s communist ideology posed a potential challenge to the British.

As the sun set on the Japanese Empire, a new struggle was on the horizon. The MPAJA, emboldened by their wartime successes, soon discovered that liberating Malaya from one empire did not necessarily grant them a special seat at the table in shaping its future.

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Chapter 9 - The End of the Japanese Occupation

As the final stages of World War II approached, the world was held in suspense, awaiting the conclusion of one of the most devastating conflicts in history. The war had sprawled across the globe, from the chilling battlefields of Europe to the tropical islands in Southeast Asia.

In May 1945, the world was shocked by the news of Germany’s surrender, which signaled the end of Nazi dominance in Europe. Following their achievements in Europe, the Allied forces (a coalition led by Great Britain, the United States, and the Soviet Union) made a substantial shift to the Pacific, where the Japanese Empire (Japan was one of the three principal partners in the Axis alliance, alongside Germany and Italy) remained a formidable enemy, clinging tight to countries it had seized, especially Malaya.

The United States, specifically, had been pressuring the Japanese to agree to an unconditional surrender. The bombing of Tokyo in March 1945 was one of the many firebombing campaigns launched to push the Japanese to drop their weapons. However, despite the rising death tolls, Japan was not planning on giving up so easily. This was the moment that the United States made a crucial decision that would forever alter the course of history and hasten the conclusion of the war.

On August 6th, 1945, the United States dropped an atomic bomb, which they named Little Boy, on the Japanese city of Hiroshima. This was the very first use of nuclear weapons in warfare. The immediate impact of this bombing was undeniably apocalyptic for the Japanese. Hiroshima, once a bustling urban center, was annihilated in just a few moments. An estimated seventy-eight thousand people were killed instantly as a result of the explosion, which caused a firestorm that destroyed everything within its radius. Buildings were reduced to rubble, while people on the outskirts of the explosion received severe burns and injuries. The intense heat, which was hotter than the surface of the sun, melted glass and even stone.

Three days later, Nagasaki met a similar fate, though the geography of the city, with its hillier terrain, somewhat contained the blast’s damage. Nonetheless, the explosion killed at least sixty thousand people. In both cities, those who survived the initial blast were left traumatized, facing a scorched landscape devoid of familiar landmarks.

The aftermath of the bombings was characterized by unimaginable suffering. Apart from the immediate casualties, tens of thousands more died in the subsequent weeks from injuries and the effects of radiation. This was a catastrophe for the Japanese and left Japan with little choice but to surrender. On August 15th, 1945, Emperor Hirohito announced Japan’s unconditional surrender to the Allies, marking the conclusion of World War II.

While the bombings and the subsequent surrender dealt a heavy blow to the Japanese spirit and honor, casting a long shadow over the nation’s post-war recovery, the surrender was viewed very differently in other parts of Asia. For the nations and territories that had suffered under Japanese occupation, the end of World War II was not only the end of a worldwide struggle but also the first light of dawn after a very long night.

Atomic bomb mushroom clouds over Hiroshima (left) and Nagasaki (right).

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For the Malay Peninsula, the conclusion of the war did not instantly restore peace. As the Japanese forces withdrew, they left behind a power vacuum in the peninsula; there was no clear successor to restore law and order. The British, who had previously been Malaya’s colonial masters, did not immediately reestablish their power. Possibly caught off guard by the suddenness of Japan’s surrender, the British were preoccupied with internal matters. Because of their hesitancy, the doors were inadvertently left ajar, allowing a familiar local faction to seize power.

The MPAJA (Malayan Peoples’ Anti-Japanese Army), which initially formed as a resistance movement against Japanese occupation, saw the window of opportunity and wasted no time plotting their moves to consolidate their control. Riding on anti-Japanese sentiment and bolstered by their contributions during the resistance against the Japanese occupation, the MPAJA expected a seamless transition into power. However, instead of being the heralds of peace and reconstruction, their short-lived rule became synonymous with violence and chaos.

With their newfound power, the MPAJA launched a ruthless campaign against anyone they saw as either sympathizers or collaborators with the Japanese regime. Throughout the campaign—or perhaps better worded as their pursuit of revenge—the MPAJA targeted members of the Kempeitai, police serving under the Japanese administration, who were predominantly Malays. The MPAJA’s modus operandi was nothing short of horrific. Once captured, these former Kempeitai members were dragged to the dense forest, where they were then forced to dig their own graves. These unfortunate people were mercilessly beaten with wooden logs, metal rods, or the backs of hoes before being buried, possibly alive. There were some who faced a quicker death. Forced to kneel by the graves they had dug themselves, the MPAJA shot them at point blank. Some were sent to trial, but since they had no way of defending themselves, these former Kempeitai faced hangings. Those who attempted to intervene in this vicious punishment or even defend the accused were met with suspicion. Many remained quiet so they would not be labeled as traitors themselves.

The MPAJA’s reign of terror didn’t stop there. Their policies further alienated and infuriated the Malay community. They introduced regulations that enraged the locals, such as imposing exorbitant taxes on Batu Pahat residents regardless of ethnicity. Local communities were forced to hand over their harvests to the MPAJA. In many instances, their crops were looted and livestock taken without permission, which further infuriated villagers. The MPAJA also kidnapped young women, regardless of their marital status, so that they could either be incorporated into the communist ranks or used to reproduce their offspring.

Without any other power to stop them, the MPAJA could do anything they desired without having to face direct consequences. They could coerce locals into joining them, launch attacks on humble villages, or kill innocent civilians without reason. To add insult to injury, they even prohibited Muslims from congregational prayers, dismissively citing it as a waste of time.

Outrage and despair festered, especially among the Malays. However, things came to a boil with the rise of Panglima Salleh Selempang Merah, a local leader who refused to bow to the MPAJA’s tyranny. He rallied his men and armed them with nothing more than just machetes and spears. Driven by their determination to see the end of the outrageous rule, this band of fighters launched daring assaults on several MPAJA fortresses. Under Panglima Salleh’s leadership, they managed to suppress the MPAJA’s influence, at least until the peninsula saw the arrival of the British.

Although they were not able to reassert their power instantly, the British were not ready to completely shift their focus away from Malaya. In fact, they had been planning for the administration of lands they would regain from the Japanese even before the end of World War II. Given the urgency of reestablishing power and restoring order, a military administration was regarded as the most efficient way for the British to accomplish their tasks.

The British Military Administration (BMA) was put in place in September 1945. Led by Admiral Lord Louis Mountbatten, the BMA’s primary task was to disarm the Japanese troops and send them back to Japan. The BMA was also entrusted with the colossal task of restoring civil order, reconstructing infrastructure, and rehabilitating an economy ravaged by years of war and occupation.

Of course, the return of the British was not greeted with universal enthusiasm. While the Chinese and Indian communities, having suffered extensively under Japanese rule, were relatively more receptive, the Malays, emboldened by local leaders like Panglima Salleh Selempang Merah, were skeptical of renewed British control. Memories of pre-war British policies, which many Malays felt undermined their economic and political rights, still lingered in the air.

The reaction from the locals was clear, and the British were aware of it; after all, the peninsula had been through multiple invasions and much chaos. The British knew they had to do something to gain the trust of the locals. So, the BMA undertook several initiatives to reassert its dominance. One of the most important steps was to take action against the rampaging MPAJA. At this point in time, disbanding the MPAJA was of paramount importance, not only to the locals but also to the British; to restore order, they must prevent the rise of a powerful communist force in Malaya.

The British chose a rather diplomatic move at first. The British initiated discussions with MPAJA leaders. These talks were aimed at persuading the MPAJA to voluntarily disarm themselves in exchange for recognition and certain assurances. To sweeten the deal, the British offered monetary rewards to MPAJA members who agreed to put down their weapons. This “amnesty payment” was provided as an acknowledgment of their role during the Japanese occupation. This promise of financial compensation played a crucial role in persuading many rank-and-file members of the MPAJA to lay down their arms.

MPAJA leaders and members were also given assurances of safety, with some even handpicked to be integrated into the new administrative structure. The British were keen on using the experience of former MPAJA members for intelligence purposes, especially in countering communist insurgencies that could possibly emerge in the near future. However, while the British preferred a diplomatic solution, they did not shy away from displaying their military strength. The presence of the British Military Administration and reinforcements from British India acted as a deterrent, signaling to the MPAJA that any armed confrontation would be met with significant resistance.

The MPAJA marching during their disbandment ceremony in Johor Bahru.

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The MPAJA was eventually dissolved on December 1st, 1945. Each member was given a sum of $350 and presented with a few options for them to live their lives. The disbanded members could pursue a civilian career or enlist in the police, local volunteer organizations, or the Malay Regiment. Over five thousand firearms were surrendered by 6,800 ex-guerrillas during demobilization ceremonies at various MPAJA headquarters across the nation.

Nonetheless, it was suspected that the MPAJA did not fully surrender their arsenal. The British, noting that most weapons turned over were older models, speculated that the MPAJA might have hidden newer firearms in the lush jungles. This suspicion was compounded when a British military patrol accidentally came across a well-armed Chinese community, which was apparently self-governing, complete with military training facilities and its own flag, during a raid at a former MPAJA camp. The very moment the Chinese saw the approaching British troops, they instantly engaged them, resulting in a conflict that killed one Chinese citizen.

With the MPAJA disbanded, the BMA undertook several other efforts to revive Malaya’s economy. Rubber plantations and tin mines that were previously abandoned or repurposed during the Japanese occupation were restored. Law and order were finally restored, putting an end to the extremely unjust punishments brought about by the MPAJA. To further regain the trust of the local populace, the British made the decision to reestablish the police force and judicial system. Policemen who had served under the Japanese, including those from the Jookidam, were often integrated into the new force after thorough vetting.

Acknowledging the ethnic tensions that rose during the war and skyrocketed under the fourteen-day MPAJA rule, the BMA sought to engage leaders from all ethnic communities in the governance process. This laid the groundwork for the multiracial alliances that later played a pivotal role in Malaya’s journey to independence. Perhaps learning from their past mistakes, the BMA made efforts to address Malay worries, introducing policies that protected Malays’ land rights and promoted their economic interests.

Nevertheless, the path was far from smooth. Communist insurgencies, primarily from remnants of the MPAJA and new communist factions, posed significant threats, which would eventually lead to yet another catastrophe in 1948 known as the Malayan Emergency. The British intervention also set the stage for the country’s political evolution, as various ethnic groups began asserting their rights and envisioning a shared future.

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Chapter 10 - The Federation of Malaya and the Communist Insurgency of the Malayan National Liberation Army

Another significant change took place across the peninsula as the world stepped into the year 1946. The British sought a more cohesive and centralized government to strengthen their hold on Malaya and address the difficulties of post-war reconstruction. This way, they could guarantee that the government was streamlined and that possible racial tensions, which had been on the rise since the departure of the Japanese, were resolved.

Therefore, Malaya was introduced to the Malayan Union, a unified administrative entity that comprised all the Malay states: Perlis, Kedah, Perak, Selangor, Negeri Sembilan, Johor, Pahang, Terengganu, Kelantan, and the previously British-administered Straits Settlements of Melaka and Penang. However, to realize the establishment of the Malayan Union, the British had to first obtain a positive nod from the sultans of each state.

This important task of securing the sultans’ consent was assigned to Sir Harold MacMichael. The swiftness with which he managed to garner their approval has been a subject of much debate. The Malay rulers, having lived during the Japanese occupation, were vulnerable to accusations of collaborating with the occupying force. There are suggestions that the British used this as leverage. The rulers were also said to have been threatened with possible dethronement should they refuse to acknowledge the establishment of the union. So, they reluctantly gave their consent.

Of course, the establishment of this administrative entity was considered controversial by many, particularly the Malays. One of the Malayan Union’s features that stirred the local populace was its citizen proposal. The British had attempted to implement jus soli, commonly known as birthright citizenship. By doing this, the British made it relatively easy for foreigners to acquire Malayan citizenship, which, of course, did not sit well with the Malays. However, because of strong opposition, this specific component of the union’s agenda was never fully implemented.

A core feature of the Malayan Union was the transfer of power from the Malay sultans to the British monarchy. While the sultans maintained symbolic authority over religious matters, all other sovereign rights were ceded. A new phase of colonial rule began, as the Malayan Union was put under the jurisdiction of a British governor instead of a local ruler.

State councils in the former Federated Malay States were stripped of the limited autonomy they had once enjoyed. Instead, they functioned as an extension of the federal government in Kuala Lumpur, keeping themselves busy with minor local governance issues. The role of British Residents, who now superseded the sultans as heads of the state councils, signified a drastic decline in the political influence of the Malay rulers.

The Malayan Union also established the Supreme Court in the same year, appointing Harold Curwen Willan as the court’s first and only chief justice. This court represented the highest judicial authority in the union, which further solidified British control of the peninsula.

The Malays protesting the establishment of the Malayan Union.

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Yet, as Britain sought to tighten its grip over the region, a powerful Malay nationalist sentiment was brewing. Determined and driven by the erosion of Malay rights and the diminishing authority of their traditional rulers, one particular individual rose to become a key figure in voicing the Malays’ concerns. This man was known as Dato’ Onn bin. Jaafar.

Born into a family of Malay aristocrats and having served in various administrative roles under the British, Onn was deeply rooted in Malay traditions and politics. He was particularly alarmed by the perceived marginalization of the Malay community under the Malayan Union’s policies. The union’s propositions of equal citizenship rights for non-Malays and the reduction of the powers of the Malay sultans were seen as a threat to their historical and cultural identity. After the sultans lost their political rights, the Malays could be seen wearing white bands around their heads, a traditional symbol of mourning.

To champion the rights of the Malays and to ensure their political, cultural, and economic prominence never faded away, Dato’ Onn founded the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO). Under Dato’ Onn’s leadership, the party rapidly gained traction, drawing members from diverse sections of the Malay community and galvanizing widespread support for its cause.

UMNO’s strategy against the Malayan Union was characterized by civil disobedience. Members were said to have boycotted the installation ceremonies of British governors and refused to participate in meetings of the advisory councils. Malay participation in politics and bureaucracy essentially came to a complete halt.

The British, ever practical and sensing the shifting political winds, realized the untenability of the situation. The unwavering resistance rocked the foundations of the Malayan Union and made it clear that any administrative structure that ignored the feelings of the major races, particularly the Malays, was bound to fail.

So, the British sought to recalibrate their approach. Discussions were initiated with UMNO and other community leaders. These deliberations culminated in the dissolution of the Malayan Union and its replacement by the Federation of Malaya on February 1st, 1948.

It was undeniable that the Federation of Malaya differed significantly from its forerunner. While the Malayan Union had centralized authority, undermining the sultans’ powers and providing equal citizenship rights irrespective of ethnicity, the Federation of Malaya restored the sovereign rights of the sultans in their respective states. To address the Malay concerns of an influx of non-Malay citizens, citizenship requirements were tightened.

The establishment of the Federation of Malaya marked a significant moment in the decolonization process. It laid the foundations for a more inclusive and representative form of governance, paving the way for Malaya’s eventual journey to independence in 1957. However, it was still years before Malaya could finally be free. The road to independence was full of thorns, and another series of problems involving the Malayan Communist Party (MCP) would soon loom over the peninsula.

The Malayan Communist Party had contributed significantly to resisting the Japanese occupation during World War II. However, after the war, the MCP was not planning on holding back; they saw the return of British rule as a continuation of imperialist exploitation.

The MCP began its insurgency by establishing the Malayan National Liberation Army (MNLA), the armed wing of the party. The MNLA aimed to overthrow the British colonial administration and establish a communist state. Driven largely by ideological motivations, the MNLA exploited the rising ethnic tensions. Although the Malays were skeptical of this party despite their claim to fight for Malayan independence, many in the Chinese community felt otherwise. They were sympathetic to the MNLA’s cause as they felt marginalized by pro-Malay policies. Knowing they could rally support, the MNLA embraced their portrayal as the vanguard of the Chinese working class, battling both colonial oppressors and the Malay elites.

Like the MPAJA during the Japanese occupation, the MNLA relied heavily on guerilla warfare. The countryside, with its jungles, provided an ideal backdrop for their campaigns. They were also masters when it came to terror tactics. The MNLA regularly employed fear to scare the public and prevent them from assisting the British. This included killing village chiefs, informants, and other people thought to be working with the British.

The MNLA grew bolder as time passed. They began a series of attacks on colonial assets. One of the most significant events that led to the declaration of the Malayan Emergency in 1948 was the killing of three European plantation managers in Sungai Siput, Perak. This audacious attack was a step too far for the British.

The British response was multi-faceted. They combined military action with socioeconomic reforms, aiming to cut off popular support for the communists. The Briggs Plan, named after British Army Director of Operations Sir Harold Briggs, is one of the most important strategies that the British launched. The main idea behind this forced resettlement plan was to relocate rural residents into supervised locations so that they could be kept away from the MNLA. Although they were safe from any harm inflicted by the MNLA members, many were discontent with this resettlement plan. Villagers were forced to leave their lands and settle in the “new villages,” which were rather similar to concentration camps. Nonetheless, this strategy managed to prevent the MNLA from accessing vital resources like food, information, and potential new members.

To combat the MNLA’s guerilla activities, the British carried out a scorched earth policy, which meant they destroyed any resources that could be useful to the guerrillas. Specialized military units were also established for intelligence gathering and direct engagement, while local Malayan forces were trained to create a local presence, making it harder for the MNLA to claim the conflict was purely colonial. Apart from guns and bombings, the British implemented psychological tactics, using broadcasts and leaflets to encourage MNLA members to surrender.

However, just like many other wars in history, both sides committed various atrocities during the conflict. The MNLA frequently targeted civilians in their operations. This was especially true for individuals they suspected of being informers or collaborators with the British. The aim of such attacks was twofold: to exact revenge and to send a clear message to the communities about the consequences of siding with the British forces. Such a climate of fear was exacerbated by reports of massacres in areas where the guerrillas believed the local populace had betrayed them.

The MNLA also often resorted to kidnappings, especially of influential figures like plantation managers and miners. These kidnappings served multiple purposes; they were used to establish authority over regions and to get ransom payments to further fund their operations. The guerrillas upheld a rigid code of conduct, and those who disobeyed MNLA orders or were considered traitors were frequently executed without any remorse. Booby traps, which also included improvised explosive devices (IEDs), were frequently used. Although the primary aim was to harm British patrols, the indiscriminate nature of such devices meant that civilian casualties were, sadly, not uncommon.

The British and their allied forces were known for the Batang Kali massacre, which was one of the darkest episodes during the Malayan Emergency. In December 1948, it was alleged that British troops from the Scots Guards separated men from their families in the village of Batang Kali for interrogation before executing twenty-four unarmed villagers using automatic weapons under the pretext they were insurgents. This incident has been the subject of much debate and several investigations, and it remains a contentious point in the history of the Malayan Emergency.

The massacre of Batang Kali was not the only time the British committed unlawful atrocities on the locals. Unthinkable torture, physical abuse, and degrading treatment, especially during interrogations, were common throughout the entire period of the Malayan Emergency (1948–1960). Headhunting, a practice common among the Ibans that the British had forbidden years ago, was revived. The British Commonwealth was said to have hired Iban headhunters to hunt for MNLA members or those suspected of collaborating with them. The intention behind this terror was crystal clear; they wanted to create an atmosphere of fear that would deter potential collaborators and obtain crucial information regarding MNLA operations.

Aerial bombings were also used to target MNLA hideouts. However, Malaya’s deep jungles made it hard to accurately distinguish between MNLA camps and innocent civilian settlements. At times, this resulted in unintentional civilian casualties.

By the mid-1950s, the tide began to turn against the MCP. The British plans were working, and the rebels were losing strength. Noticing this, the government of the Federation of Malaya issued a declaration of amnesty to the communists in September 1955, offering them a chance to stop fighting and end the unnecessary bloodshed.

This led to the Baling Talks in December 1955. Held in the town of Baling, the talks saw Chin Peng, alongside two other MCP leaders, negotiate with Tunku Abdul Rahman, Malaya’s chief minister; Tun Tan Cheng Lock, the founder of the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA); and David Marshall, the chief minister of Singapore. During these talks, the communists sought legal recognition and the ability to participate in politics. However, their demands were dismissed, as the Malayan government was not planning on seeing communist activists regain influence in society. The talks ultimately failed to reach a consensus.

The Malayan Emergency continued for five more years and officially ended in 1960, although skirmishes continued in some places. By then, the MCP had been considerably weakened, both militarily and in terms of popular support. The combination of British military strategy, socioeconomic reforms, and the increasing promise of independence for Malaya had greatly eroded the MCP’s base.

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Chapter 11 - The Light at the End of the Tunnel

In the streets of Kuala Lumpur, Penang, and other major cities, there was a palpable sense of anticipation. The various ethnic groups—Malays, Chinese, Indians, and others—started to see the merit of putting aside their differences and working together. This burgeoning unity was not just a spontaneous sentiment among the general populace; it was also reflected in the strategic alliances being forged in the political arena. Leaders from the UMNO, MCA, and later the MIC began to recognize that their combined voices and united front would be the strongest weapon in their arsenal against colonial rule.

However, the path to independence was not universally uniform. Across Asia, countries under the colonial yoke employed various methods to shake off the chains that bound them. India, for instance, embarked on a tumultuous journey of civil disobedience against British rule, led by leaders like Mahatma Gandhi. Their nonviolent resistance, characterized by iconic events such as the Salt March, captured the world’s attention and slowly eroded the British Empire’s resolve. To the east, Indonesia confronted its colonizers, the Dutch, in a series of violent confrontations and diplomatic tussles. Their fiery passion for “Merdeka” (“freedom”) culminated in a bitter armed struggle before sovereignty was finally recognized.

Yet, in contrast to the overt confrontations seen in India and Indonesia, Malaya’s approach was markedly different. The leadership, while firm in their objectives, chose a path of negotiation and dialogue. This commitment to a peaceful transition was not born out of timidity but rather a strategic understanding of Malaya’s unique sociopolitical fabric and the importance of maintaining harmony among its diverse communities. The logic was clear: a united Malaya, which spoke with one voice, was more likely to persuade the British to grant independence without bloodshed.

At the heart of this movement was a leader who would come to embody the spirit of Malayan independence: Tunku Abdul Rahman. Born into royalty but always a man of the people, Tunku was a visionary who saw beyond the divides of ethnicity and culture. He realized that for Malaya to truly flourish after independence, the nation needed to be built on the pillars of unity, mutual respect, and shared aspirations.

From his early days in the political arena, Tunku Abdul Rahman demonstrated an uncanny ability to bridge divides. He forged alliances with leaders from different ethnic backgrounds, a move that was both progressive and tactical. The foundations of this approach can be seen in the collaboration between UMNO (United Malays National Organisation), a primarily Malayan party led by Tunku, and the Malayan Chinese Association (MCA), which represented the Chinese community.

The initial establishment of this alliance was more than just political posturing; it was a pragmatic response to the British divide-and-rule strategy. Both parties realized that, singularly, their pleas for independence might fall on deaf ears, but together, their combined voice would be hard to ignore. This alliance marked the beginning of inter-ethnic cooperation in the political domain of Malaya, setting the stage for a united front against colonial rule.

The Baling Talks, though not directly related to the independence movement, had a profound impact on the UMNO-MCA alliance. The shared experience of navigating these talks and seeking a peace agreement with the communist insurgents further solidified their partnership. After the Baling Talks, there was a renewed sense of urgency. Leaders from both parties, spurred by the momentum from their combined efforts, became more vocal in their demand for broader representation in the governance of Malaya and a hastened drive toward independence.

However, for true representation, the alliance needed to encompass the voices of all of Malaya’s major communities. Enter the Malayan Indian Congress (MIC). Representing the significant Indian community in Malaya, the MIC was founded with a purpose parallel to its counterparts: voicing the concerns and aspirations of its community. The inclusion of MIC into the UMNO-MCA fold was not just a political move; it was also a statement of inclusivity, unity, and shared destiny.

V. T. Sambanthan, a key figure in the MIC, played a pivotal role in this union. A vocal advocate for the Indian community, Sambanthan recognized the merit of joining forces with the existing alliance, transforming it into what came to be known as the Alliance Party. His leadership, coupled with the efforts of Tunku and leaders from the MCA, ensured that the newly formed Alliance Party was more than the sum of its parts. It was a powerful embodiment of Malaya’s collective aspiration for self-governance and independence.

In the run-up to the 1955 general election, the political climate in Malaya was electric. While a few smaller elections had been held prior, they served more as a learning curve, helping Malays understand the nuances of democratic processes and self-governance. These elections were significant, not just in terms of outcomes but also in the growing political awareness they instilled among the populace.

The first federal general election was held on July 27th, 1955. The contest was fierce, with multiple parties vying for influence. The Alliance Party, under the leadership of YTM Tunku Abdul Rahman, confidently fielded sixty-six candidates.​[1] In contrast, Parti Negara, led by Dato’ Onn Jaafar, fielded thirty-three candidates, and the Pan-Malaya Islamic Party (PAS) presented eleven candidates. Other contenders included the Labour Party, the Perak Progressive Party (which later became the People’s Progressive Party), Pertubuhan Kebangsaan Perak, and Pertubuhan Melayu.

However, the limelight indisputably belonged to the Alliance Party. Their vision of a united, independent Malaya resonated deeply with the masses. Through rallies, speeches, and community outreach, they presented a dream of a nation where every community had a stake and every voice mattered. Their message was clear: together, as a united front, Malaya could step confidently into the future, free from colonial chains.

When the election results were announced, the Alliance Party celebrated a decisive victory. The coalition party secured a landslide victory by capturing fifty-one of the fifty-two contested seats. This overwhelming support, with over 80 percent of the voters backing the Alliance Party, underscored that their policies resonated deeply with the aspirations and demands of Malayan residents.

The Alliance Party’s manifesto was both visionary and grounded. They voiced a bold promise: to secure independence for Malaya within four years. This commitment was not just a lofty ideal; it was also a calculated move. The Alliance Party leaders were confident in their negotiations with the British, having already established a rapport and having demonstrated their ability to maintain stability and unity in Malaya.

The Alliance Party was absolutely aware of Malaya’s diverse fabric. They emphasized policies that ensured equal rights and opportunities for all ethnic groups. This focus on harmony and unity was both pragmatic and essential, considering past racial tensions exacerbated by the British divide-and-rule strategy.

Recognizing the power of education in nation-building, the Alliance Party promised reforms in the education sector. They aimed to create an inclusive education system where Malay, English, Chinese, and Tamil schools received fair support. Their commitment to ensuring compulsory education for all races demonstrated their dedication to an inclusive future.

Proposals like crafting a localized civil service and safeguarding human rights echoed the sentiments of a populace yearning for autonomy and justice. Moreover, their vow to protect the rights of the Malay rulers, emphasizing a constitutional monarchy, struck a balance between modern governance and cultural reverence. It was evident that this manifesto did more than just appeal to the electorate; it also captured their hearts.

In the aftermath of this overwhelming electoral victory, Tunku Abdul Rahman was inaugurated as the first-ever chief minister of the Federation of Malaya. On July 31st, 1955, with the approval of the British high commissioner, a new Cabinet was formed, marking a significant stride in Malaya’s journey to autonomy and self-governance.

Following the formation of the new Cabinet, it was clear to Tunku Abdul Rahman and his colleagues that real independence would only be secured through direct and detailed negotiations with the British government. A historic trip to London was made in 1956, a journey that would significantly influence Malaya’s trajectory.

Before embarking on this monumental expedition, the Malayan leaders indulged in rigorous preparations. They meticulously devised their strategy, underpinning their demands for independence with compelling arguments. They used their recent electoral victory to promote their mandate, as it signified the nation’s readiness for self-rule.

The pursuit of independence culminated in a landmark conference at Lancaster House, London, named the Persidangan Malaya Merdeka, or Malaya Independence Conference. This monumental roundtable conference, held from January 18th to February 6th, 1956, spanned three weeks and was attended by representatives of the Alliance Party and the Malay rulers, alongside officials from the British Colonial Office.

The atmosphere was thick with anticipation. The British, with more than a century of vested interests in Malaya, both economic and strategic, were cautious. Yet, the Malayan leaders, bolstered by their electoral success and the global winds of decolonization, stood firm. They delved deep into various concerns, which included:

The future of Malaya within the British Commonwealth.

Financial affairs, administration, domestic security, defense, and foreign affairs, which would be under the purview of the Malay ministers.

The establishment of an independent commission to study and propose changes to the constitution without altering the special status of the Malay rulers.

Another pivotal component of these discussions was the formation of the Reid Commission. The British government, realizing the gravity of the situation, instituted this commission with the primary objective of drafting a constitution for an independent Malaya. Led by Lord William Reid, the commission comprised legal experts from both the British Commonwealth and Malaya. Their mandate was to ensure that the constitution would respect the diverse cultural and social tapestry of the nation while laying the groundwork for a modern democratic state.

As the negotiations continued, it became evident that both sides were converging on mutual terms. The British acknowledged that Malaya had showcased significant political maturity. However, they had conditions. Key among them was ensuring minority rights, preserving economic interests, and addressing the sultans’ roles in this new nation. The Malayan leaders, while eager for independence, understood the importance of these terms and sought to address them in a manner that would benefit their burgeoning nation.

Finally, on February 8th, 1956, after exhaustive discussions, an agreement was reached. Malaya would be granted independence the following year. This moment was more than just a diplomatic success; it was also the realization of a dream nurtured over many decades.

The delegation’s return home was nothing short of triumphant. As their plane touched down, thousands thronged to greet and celebrate the heroes who had secured their nation’s future. The streets were alive with jubilation, with every cheer echoing the impending dawn of a new era for Malaya.

On August 31st, 1957, the Merdeka Stadium in Kuala Lumpur witnessed a ceremony that would forever be etched in history. Tunku Abdul Rahman, looking resplendent in his ceremonial attire known as the “Muscat Dress,” delivered a speech that encapsulated the dreams of millions. Reflecting on past struggles and the promise of the future, he led the crowd in a resounding cry, shouting “Merdeka!” seven times. The most poignant moment of the ceremony was the lowering of the Union Jack at noon. The flag had fluttered over Malaya for over a century. As it descended, a new flag ascended in its place, its red and white stripes and blue rectangle with a crescent moon and an eleven-pointed star symbolizing a new beginning. It symbolized the birth of a new nation’s identity.

And so, amidst joyous celebrations, the sun rose on an independent Malaya, marking the beginning of a new chapter of sovereignty, unity, and progress.

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Chapter 12 - Post-Independence and the Establishment of Malaysia

Malaya found itself at the start of an entirely new expedition. With the buzz of “Merdeka” still lingering in the air, it was time to get in and handle the tasks of leading a nation. The Federation of Malaya was now a reality. It was a fresh nation with a mix of cultures and communities, all trying to sing the same national anthem in tune.

Malaya took the next step toward democracy in 1959 when the nation held its very first general election since its independence. The people spoke, and the Alliance Party, led by the popular Tunku Abdul Rahman, took the lead. Although writing a constitution that reflected the diverse mosaic of the Malayans was not a walk in the park, the government eventually succeeded in doing so. This new rulebook became the nation’s guide on how to live together in peace.

However, peace would not be simply handed to them on a silver platter. The shadow of the Malayan Emergency, which started before independence with the communist insurgency, had not completely faded. Even after the Malayan Emergency officially ended in 1960, the threat hadn’t vanished; it was just lurking around the corner. Malaya had to remain vigilant, countering insurgent activities to keep the peace and safeguard the fragile beginnings of the state.

As Malaya began to stand firmly on its feet, its leaders had an even bigger dream: creating a new country named Malaysia. This wasn’t just about bringing a couple of places together; it was also about making a strong family out of different territories. The man behind this big idea was none other than Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman. He believed that joining Malaya with the island territories of Sabah and Sarawak in Borneo, Singapore, and Brunei could make the region safer and help everyone make more money and live better.

Tunku’s plan was not without its considerations. In 1962, the Cobbold Commission—named for its head, Lord Cobbold—was established in 1962 to address a few particular issues. One of the commission’s most important assignments was to find out how the Borneo territories felt about joining Malaya and forming Malaysia. Members of the commission faced long travels and interviews with a broad range of the Sabah and Sarawakian populace. However, the efforts were definitely worth it. A sizable majority supported the merger, although they wanted certain conditions to protect regional identities and interests.

However, the path to unite Malaya’s neighboring regions and establish Malaysia was not straightforward. The Philippines and neighboring Indonesia, both of which had stakes in the Borneo region, became interested in the formation of the new nation. To address potential regional conflicts, the leaders of Malaya, Indonesia, and the Philippines convened and eventually reached an agreement known as the Manila Accord. This agreement was crucial. Since it stated that the establishment of Malaysia would depend on the results of a United Nations assessment, it was the responsibility of the UN to guarantee that the people of Sarawak and Sabah genuinely embraced this new national identity.

That was one task down. Malaya was tested with another challenge, though. An internal struggle was brewing, adding complexity to the establishment of the nation. Prospective member states were cautious about their new roles in the federation as political tensions increased. Singapore, in particular, which had a sizable Chinese community, was a political hotspot. The dynamics between the People’s Action Party (PAP) of Singapore and the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) of Malaya were intricate and fraught with racial politics. The PAP, having won a convincing victory in the Singaporean elections, was seen as a champion of the Chinese community, while UMNO’s political narrative was deeply rooted in protecting the rights and privileges of the Malays in Malaya.

Another twist in the intricate story of Malaysia’s formation was the Brunei Revolt of 1962. In opposition to the sultan of Brunei’s decision to join the proposed Federation of Malaysia, the North Borneo Federation’s proponents staged an uprising. Spearheaded by the North Kalimantan National Army, supported by Indonesia, and associated with the leftist Brunei People’s Party, the rebels objected to the merger, fearing it might lead to a loss of sovereignty over Brunei’s lucrative oil deposits. The revolt was swiftly quelled by British forces, yet the underlying apprehension remained, ultimately leading Brunei to decide against joining the federation. It preferred to maintain its status quo of a protected state under British influence, with its rich oil reserves under its own control.

While there were considerable strains within the proposed federation, it was nothing compared to the fierce opposition from surrounding neighbors. President Sukarno of Indonesia, in particular, had been vocal in his objection to the creation of Malaysia, which later led to a resolute “Confrontation” (Konfrontasi) campaign. Sukarno was concerned that Indonesian hegemony in the area would be threatened by the rise of a politically and economically more powerful Malaysia right outside his door. He saw Malaysia as a potential puppet of Western colonial powers and, in protest, initiated a series of hostile actions, ranging from political rhetoric to actual armed incursions into Borneo.

Similarly, the Philippines had its reservations, primarily due to its longstanding claim over the territory of Sabah, one of the proposed states of Malaysia. This historical claim was based on past rule, and the Philippines sought to assert this claim, straining relations with Malaya.

In spite of these regional disruptions, Malaysia’s formation proceeded. On September 16th, 1963, history was made when Malaysia was formally proclaimed, with Kuala Lumpur as its capital city. This historic occasion was the result of painstaking preparation, compromise, and negotiation. Sarawak, Sabah, Singapore, and Malaya were now part of a new nation. The Malaysian flag was raised, symbolizing unity and the dawn of a new era. The country’s diverse population looked ahead with cautious optimism, embracing their collective identity as Malaysians.

Internationally, the reaction to the formation of Malaysia was mixed. The United Nations played a crucial role in conducting a referendum in Sabah and Sarawak, which ultimately demonstrated the residents’ preference to join Malaysia. This outcome was key to silencing some of the international criticism and legitimizing the formation of the new nation on the global stage. However, not all reactions were favorable. Indonesia continued its policy of Confrontation, resulting in several years of conflict that hindered progress in Malaysia. The Philippines withdrew its ambassador from Malaya, signaling a diplomatic protest against the inclusion of Sabah in Malaysia. The two countries suspended their diplomatic relations between September 1963 and May 1964 and again, due to the same issue, from 1968 to 1969.

Building Malaysia was like putting together a complicated jigsaw puzzle with pieces from several sets. The initial years faced a formidable task: knitting together the administrative systems of Malaya, Sabah, Sarawak, and Singapore into a functional federation. This was an undertaking that required balancing disparate legal systems, educational policies, and economic structures. Furthermore, it was an enormous struggle to foster a feeling of Malaysian identity in a population as different as the Borneo states and the cosmopolitan Singapore. For the sake of national unity, it was crucial to identify a shared ground for the diverse ethnic compositions, languages, and cultural legacies that each region contributed to the Malaysian mosaic.

As the new nation grappled with internal consolidation, it also had to quell the external threat posed by Indonesia’s Confrontation. The military and diplomatic efforts to suppress this conflict were exhaustive, stretching the resources and resolve of the young nation. However, with the fall of President Sukarno and the ascent of Suharto to power in Indonesia, the tide began to turn. The Confrontation was brought to an end in 1966 through a peace agreement, leading to the normalization of relations between Malaysia and Indonesia. This allowed Malaysia to redirect its focus from territorial defense to nation-building.

On the domestic front, Singapore’s position within the federation quickly became a topic of contention. The economic and racial strife were central to the brewing tensions. The city-state’s predominantly Chinese population and market-driven economy contrasted starkly with the Malay-dominated and agriculturally based economies of other states. Lee Kuan Yew, Singapore’s prime minister, was a staunch advocate for a society based on merit, where all citizens, regardless of race, would have equal opportunities. This vision was encapsulated in his call for a “Malaysian Malaysia,” a concept that sought to move away from race-based policies toward a more inclusive national identity, treating all Malaysian citizens equally in terms of rights and opportunities.

The term “Malaysian Malaysia” was essentially a plea for the dismantling of ethnic preferences, particularly the special rights accorded to the Malay majority in the rest of Malaysia, known as bumiputera rights. These rights were part of affirmative action policies designed to improve the economic position of the bumiputera by giving them privileges in education, government employment, and business.

Singapore’s push for a “Malaysian Malaysia” was, therefore, controversial, as it challenged the fundamental bumiputera policies of the Malaysian government. This created a rift, as the federal authorities viewed Singapore’s stance as a direct challenge to policies meant to protect the socioeconomic interests of the Malay population, the indigenous and politically dominant group in Malaysia.

From here on, it was clear that the rifts were too deep, and the vision of a united Malaysia that included Singapore was unsustainable. And so, on August 9th, 1965, Singapore was expelled from the federation, becoming an independent republic. The separation was a painful decision for the leaders of both Malaysia and Singapore, but it was deemed necessary to ensure the stability and future prospects of the respective nations.

In the years that followed, Malaysia and Singapore went their separate ways, each forging their own destiny. The two nations still get along today.

Malaysia, now free from the strains of external conflict and internal discord, set out to unify its diverse populace and rich cultures under a single flag, striving toward a shared Malaysian identity. The end of hostilities with neighboring countries opened up a new era for development, allowing Malaysia to focus on nurturing unity and prosperity within its multicultural society.

​

Conclusion

In wrapping up our journey through Malaysia’s past, it feels like we have walked together along a winding path from ancient, mystical kingdoms to the bustling, modern cities we see today. Malaysia’s story is one of diversity and unity, a colorful patchwork of different cultures and traditions that have come together to create something truly special.

The Malay Archipelago was once just a whisper on the lips of traders and adventurers seeking the fabled wealth of the East. It grew in prominence, and its ports buzzed with the comings and goings of Indian, Arab, and Chinese merchants. They were later joined by European powers driven by their insatiable thirst for spices, tin, and rubber. Malaysia’s geography carved its destiny as a crossroads for commerce and culture, a place where empires collided and fused, leaving behind a legacy that is evident in the faces of its people and the architecture of its cities.

This narrative, however, is not merely a chronicle of sultans and conflicts but also a story of the relentless human spirit. It is found in the courage of figures like Dato’ Maharaja Lela, Mat Kilau, and Tok Janggut, whose valiant resistance against colonial rule is forever etched in the nation’s memory. It is a tale of resilience, as seen through the trials endured during the Japanese occupation, and of triumph, as echoed in the jubilant cries of “Merdeka” in 1957.

The establishment of Malaysia in 1963 marked not an end but a new beginning—a dream of unity and prosperity that was challenged by the racial riots of 1969 yet also strengthened by the ambitious vision of the New Economic Policy. Throughout the years, Malaysia has striven to balance growth with equity and to foster a sense of shared destiny among its people while nurturing the uniqueness of each community.

As we look back on Malaysia's history, we see the growth of a national identity called Bangsa Malaysia that includes and respects the diverse cultures of the Malay, Chinese, Indian, and indigenous communities. Yet, the history of a nation is not confined to the pages of a book; it is written daily in the lives of its citizens. As Malaysia continues to navigate the challenges of the 21st century—balancing development with sustainability, unity with diversity, and tradition with innovation—it does so with the wisdom gleaned from the past. This wisdom is a beacon that guides the nation as it forges its path, shaped by the collective aspirations of its people. Of course, the story of Malaysia is far from over; indeed, the most exciting pages have yet to be written.

​

Part 2: History of Singapore

A Captivating Guide to Its Ancient Origins, Colonial Period, Economic Development, and the Post-Independence Era

​Introduction

Singapore is an island nation of six million. It is pretty much the size of an American county, sitting at around 290 square miles. The name is said to go back centuries, when a Chola king from southern India attacked and saw a tiger on the island, which he mistook for a lion. He gave the place the name “Singapura,” meaning “Lion City.”

Singapore’s strategic position at the junction of the South China Sea and the Strait of Malacca, the body of water between Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula, has ensured its importance for more than a thousand years. The country was repeatedly attacked and abandoned. It was invaded by kingdoms in India, Java, and Thailand. Singapore was an outpost of Sumatra’s long-lived Srivijaya Empire, an ancient trading city, and was also home to a nest of pirates. Singapore was even briefly a satellite of Ming dynasty China when the naval ventures of Admiral Zheng He (also known as Cheng Ho) reached as far as India, Africa, and Arabia.

Portugal and Muslim sultanates contested for control of the Strait of Malacca, followed by a rivalry between the Portuguese and Dutch, and then the British and French. Eventually, Britain won, with Singapore becoming a vital part of the British Empire, a Gibraltar of the east. It was the scene of the greatest military disaster Britain ever experienced.

The cast of characters in Singapore’s history includes larger-than-life figures like Sir Stamford Raffles, who made an illegal deal with local rulers to start the British colony, and Lee Kuan Yew, who led Singapore from a Crown colony into a union with Malaysia and then to independence, guiding the new nation for several decades.

Singapore is home to Malay, Chinese, Indians, and other ethnicities, and its people practice several different religions, including Christianity, Taoism, Hinduism, Islam, and Buddhism. Singapore is a highly successful, multiethnic, and multireligious nation.

Singapore is one of the greatest political and economic success stories in contemporary history. It has gone from a poverty-stricken former British colony to an economic powerhouse in banking, industry, and technology. Singaporeans have one of the world’s highest standards of living and longest life expectancies.

The future holds challenges, though. Mainland China increasingly expects Chinese people who live overseas to behave as if they were loyal to Beijing first and foremost, a view that Chinese Singaporeans dislike. China is contemplating a canal across Thailand’s Kra Isthmus, which would render the Strait of Malacca a backwater. Singapore is also only a few miles away from large Muslim nations that do not always share Singapore’s religious and social tolerance.

This book is the story of how a small island country has coped with centuries of challenges to become a vibrant nation that punches far above its weight.

​Chapter 1 – Singapore: Geography as Destiny

Singapore is an island nation whose strategic location has been both a blessing and a curse. Singapore sits at the end of the long Malay Peninsula and between India and China, which, for many centuries, were the two largest markets in Asia. Mainland Southeast Asia was called Indochina for centuries, a name that demonstrates the historical dynamic of the cultural and political giants of this region.

The shortest connection between the Indian Ocean and the South China Sea lies between the huge Indonesian island of Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula. This vitally important waterway is called the Strait of Malacca, named for an old port on the west side of the Malay Peninsula. The waterway is sometimes called the “Straits” because Singapore is separated from Malaya by the narrow Strait of Johore (also spelled as Johor) to the north and the part of the strait between Singapore and Sumatra, which is called the Singapore Strait.

The Strait of Malacca is the longest strait in the world by a considerable margin. It runs for five hundred miles, angling northwest to southeast. At the southeast end, where Singapore is located, the strait is only forty miles wide. It is also the world’s busiest route for commercial shipping, with an estimated 120,000 ships from many nations traversing the waterway each year. It is busier than either the Panama Canal or the Suez Canal. The route has been used for centuries.

During the Age of Sail, the dominant wind systems that dictated sailing patterns in the Indian Ocean were the monsoons. They affected all the ships sailing from or to the east coast of Africa, India, the Red Sea, the Indian Ocean, the Persian Gulf, Southeast Asia, the South China Sea, and the Indonesian archipelago. These prevailing winds shift with the seasons. Hot summers in central Asia pull in cooler ocean air, and the reverse happens when the cold central Asian air flows out to the much warmer Indian Ocean in winter.

The summer monsoon blows from the southwest, often bringing very heavy rains from April to September. The winter monsoon blows from the northeast, bringing the dry season. It runs from October to March or April. Both weather systems impact agriculture. The local patterns vary considerably, and the intensity of the monsoons varies somewhat from year to year.

Trade through the Malacca Strait goes back at least to Roman times, possibly even earlier. People traveling the sea route faced a long voyage filled with perils from storms and pirates, but the overland route between China and Europe (the Silk Road) was also long. People had to endure hot summers, intensely cold winters, problems caused by war, and bandits.

Shipping trade goods via the strait was much more efficient. One loaded ship could carry as much as a caravan composed of hundreds of loaded camels. Shipping goods also appears to have been faster than the overland Silk Road routes.

Trade links between China and India went through the Strait of Malacca. A sizable amount of the goods moved from Indian ports to the Persian Gulf and to Egyptian ports on the Red Sea and then to the Roman Empire generally (Egypt was a Roman province from 30 BCE to 641 CE, a situation that lasted for more than six hundred years). A large number of artifacts from China have been found in East Africa and Roman Egypt, which is evidence of the volume of the trade. Some of the trade went to Persia via the Persian Gulf up the rivers to Iraq and even Syria. There was also trade across the Indian Ocean to eastern Africa. The Strait of Malacca was a vital conduit in ancient and multi-continental trade.

Singapore is located at the juncture of the Malay Peninsula and the Indonesian archipelago. The region has seen the rise and fall of empires over many centuries, including Sumatra, Java, and Thailand. More distant empires also affected the island, including the Cholas in southern India, Ming China, Portugal, the Netherlands, Britain, and Japan. All of these powers have departed, but they left their mark on Singapore, including on the country’s name; its mixed population of Malays, Chinese, Indians, and others; and the rich heritage of religions, which includes Buddhism, Islam, Christianity, Hinduism, Taoism, and Sikhism.

One other point on the strait was, at times, more important than Singapore: the strait’s namesake city of Malacca. It was a key port for an independent sultanate and then for the Portuguese, the Dutch, and the British. Singapore’s location proved to be more dynamic, and its location was why it became Britain’s “Gibraltar of the East” and the center for Japan’s rule in its conquest of Southeast Asia.

​Chapter 2 – Before the British (1200s–1819)

Singapore’s significance in the pre-British era is not well understood. Its importance seems to have varied from port city to fishing village.

The island was once a kind of outpost for the Srivijaya Empire, a large Buddhist empire based in Sumatra that flourished from the 7th to the 12th century. Its capital was Palembang. Srivijaya apparently waxed and waned in power and was attacked by Rajendra I of the powerful Chola Empire, located in southeast India. Rajendra attacked Singapore in 1025 CE and is said to have named the place “Singapura,” meaning the “Lion City.” Since lions are not native to Southeast Asia, it is thought Rajendra might have seen a tiger and mistaken it for a lion.​[2]

It is not known when “Singapore” began to be commonly used as a name. In the 1300s, the island was known as “Temasek” (sometimes spelled Tumasik). The name came from the Javanese word tasek, meaning “of the sea.” Temasek must have been a place of some consequence to make the attacks by the Cholas and others worthwhile.​[3]

The Cholas raided Singapore/Temasek again in 1068. They were a powerful empire because of their maritime prominence. Why they chose to include Temasek in their raids is not known. In 1275, Temasek was attacked by King Kertanagara of the Javanese Kingdom of Singhasari. He might have been trying to expand his kingdom into the Malay Peninsula. His most famed and significant exploit was defeating the Mongol invasion of Java in 1293.

There are some claims that Singapore was actually a kingdom, with a founding date of 1299 CE. Its first king was named Sang Nila Utama, who originated in Palembang in Sumatra. He is also credited with giving the place the name “Singapura.” The evidence for this is sparse, though.​[4]

Statue of Sang Nila Utama.

Altopian1, CC BY-SA 4.0 <https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0>, via Wikimedia Commons, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Statue_of_Sang_Nila_Utama_at_the_Raffles_Landing_Site_(front_view).jpg

Utama has been adopted officially in Singapore as a sort of distant founder. The story seems to be true on some level and gives Singapore’s history deeper roots; it was not just a creation of Sir Stamford Raffles and the British. Five of Sang Nila Utama’s descendants are said to have been kings.

The interest in Temasek and other events of the island’s history before the British arrived is a recent development, with the intent of giving Singapore importance before 1819. The emphasis on Singapore’s early history is an effort to show Singapore as an authentic Southeast Asian entity, not just a relic of colonialism.​[5]

There are claims that Temasek was an important port in the 1300s. Exports are said to have included local products such as hornbill casques (from the birds’ beak, used much like ivory) and lakawood (used for incense).

Sometimes the threats did not come from India or Indonesia. In the 1340s, a large fleet from Siam (now called Thailand) besieged Temasek but failed after a month and withdrew. The city declined at the end of the 1300s and was replaced as a major power in the Straits by the rising power of Malacca.

Another part of this muddled early history is that around 1388, a man named Parameswara is said to have fled from Palembang and took refuge in Singapura. He is said to have murdered his host and usurped power. He was driven out of Singapura, perhaps by a raid from Majapahit (an empire based in Java) or perhaps by forces from Thailand. His history is confusing to follow, but he was the last ruler of Singapura. It is unclear if he was a descendant of Sang Nila Utama, a prince from outside the family, or a usurper.

Parameswara is thought to have ruled Singapura from 1389 to 1398. He fled the Majapahit Empire or some other invader. He must have been a formidable person because he either took refuge in Malacca and then took it over or actually founded the city. He also converted to Islam in 1414 and founded the Malacca Sultanate. Parameswara took the name Iskandar Shah, and under his rule, the sultanate expanded to control large portions of Malaya, Sumatra, and nearby islands, including Singapore.​[6]

However, that is not the only story. Another version is that Parameswara fled and founded Malacca and that Iskandar Shah was his son. His son was the one who took Malacca to greatness. Records are scarce and contradictory, so it is hard to know for sure. The only certainty is that Parameswara was a ruler of Singapura and that he was closely connected to the rise of the Malacca Sultanate.

Records from the Ming dynasty indicate that Parameswara sent tribute to China several times. In 1411, he, his consort, and a delegation of advisors visited China. The tribute and the visitors traveled to the region with Admiral Zheng He.

An extremely important historical development in Southeast Asia was the arrival of Islam. The religion was carried by Muslim traders from India to Aceh in Sumatra and to Malacca. It is thought to have first arrived in the region by the late 1200s. Malacca was a key point in the extension of Islam into Malaya.

Before the arrival of Islam, the main religions in Southeast Asia were Buddhism and Hinduism, which had both arrived in previous centuries. These religions were also probably brought into the region by merchants from India. Local religions seem to have been largely supplanted; most local religions were probably a form of animism.

The Muslim traders came from many places in the Islamic world and included Arabs, Persians, and Gujaratis. The religion took a deep hold in the region. Today, Southeast Asia has one of the world’s largest populations of Muslims, including the largest single Muslim nation, Indonesia.

The Yongle Emperor (r. 1403–1424, also known as the Yung-Lo Emperor) of the early Ming dynasty in China sent out massive fleets commanded by a Muslim admiral (who was also a eunuch) named Zheng He (1371–1433; in older history books, he is known as Cheng Ho). He was captured as a boy, castrated (which was usual for captive boys at the time), and served in the Chinese military. Zheng He proved to be extremely able and rose to hold a high command that allowed the Yongle Emperor to usurp the throne. The emperor’s confidence in Zheng He must have been great because what followed is unique in history.

Zheng He commanded seven naval expeditions, an amazingly large number for the day. The first expedition included sixty-two major ships and possibly hundreds of smaller ones, carrying an estimated twenty-seven thousand personnel. They included officers, crew, soldiers, diplomats, scribes, artillerymen, astrologers, and others. The first expedition landed in Java and then sailed through the Malacca Strait, reaching southern India and Ceylon. The king from Ceylon was uncooperative, so he was captured and taken back to China, where he submitted and agreed to send China tribute. He was returned to his kingdom on another voyage. Upon the return of the first voyage, Zheng He’s forces captured a notorious pirate whose actions had troubled the Straits for years, which made other powers respect China more.​[7]

A 15th-century map based on Zheng He’s voyages.

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Mao_Kun_map_-_Singapore.png

Something similar to Zheng He’s voyages took place in 1798. Napoleon Bonaparte commanded a fleet that sailed to Egypt, which his army conquered. Napoleon’s fleet was about the same size as Zheng’s, and it also included scholars and scientists. Unlike Napoleon, Zheng was not interested in conquest. What he sought and what the emperor wanted was tribute from the kingdoms the fleet visited. This was more of a symbolic submission than an actual attempt at conquest.

There was nothing new about Chinese ships appearing in the Indian Ocean and partaking in trade that reached to India and beyond. What was unique was the huge size of Zheng He’s fleets and the tens of thousands of personnel they carried. The ships in Zheng He’s fleet in the early 1400s were the largest and most formidable in the world at the time. It would be centuries before European ships in the Indian Ocean were as large and as well armed. The largest ships in the fleet have been called treasure ships, although they were actually warships.​[8]

Although Zheng He’s expeditions were explorations, not attempts at naval conquest, his return voyages included rulers and delegations of diplomats who pledged their formal submission to China. The Ming emperor was interested in this formal submission, not actual rule. Their submission honored China as the most powerful of all and enhanced the emperor’s already high status.

Zheng He, on behalf of the Chinese emperor, brought very valuable gifts to foreign rulers during his voyages. These gifts were probably more expensive than what he received in return. One time, Zheng He brought a giraffe to the emperor. The giraffe resembled a mythical creature from Chinese legend, so it was considered lucky.​[9]

Singapore was a minor participant in all of this. The founder of the Malacca Sultanate formally accepted Chinese suzerainty, and the sultanate seemed to have become something of a forward base for Zheng He’s fleets. Singapore was a minor Malacca vassal, although it is probable that some of the Chinese ships stopped there.​[10]

Zheng He commanded voyages in 1404, 1408, 1409, 1413, 1417, 1421, and 1431. All touched down at Java and traversed the Malacca Strait. The ships sometimes split up and were sent to different destinations. The fourth voyage (1413) reached as far as Hormuz on the Persian Gulf and Aden at the entrance to the Red Sea. The fourth voyage ventured into the Red Sea, as far as Jeddah in what is now Saudi Arabia, sending a delegation to Mecca and Egypt. The fifth voyage reached what is now Somalia and Kenya in East Africa, and the seventh reached well down the African coast.

The 1431 expedition was the seventh and last. Zheng He died in India and was never replaced. The dynasty sent no more expeditions, and a later emperor commanded that no more ships were to sail from China for destinations abroad. The Ming faced threats from the north and saw no further need to ask for the world’s submission. They were correct in assessing the danger, as they fell to the invading Manchu in 1644. The Qing (Manchu) dynasty conquered China but had little interest in the sea. After Zheng He’s voyages, it would be six hundred years before Chinese fleets once again became dominant in Asia. The Portuguese entered the Indian Ocean in the late 1400s and rapidly became the dominant maritime power. They conquered Malacca in 1511, defeating the Malacca Sultanate. For a few decades, the Portuguese were able to control the Strait of Malacca—or at least attempt to control it since piracy, which had existed in the region for centuries, continued to be a problem. A Portuguese force burned a trading station in Singapore in the early 1600s, and for all intents and purposes, Singapura ceased to exist.​[11]

Malacca’s ruler fled to Johore, taking it over. In a few years, Johore became powerful enough to engage in a number of wars with the Portuguese, who were based in Malacca.

Another powerful sultanate attacked both Portuguese Malacca and Muslim Johore. This was the sultanate of Aceh, situated on the northwestern end of Sumatra, which emerged as a maritime power in the late 1500s. Aceh tried to impose its own control over the Strait of Malacca. The Acehnese established the first Muslim sultanate in Southeast Asia and had long been noted for their strong Muslim beliefs. They remained a formidable local power for centuries.

Singapore was a port of call in the mid-1500s. Saint Francis Xavier, the founder of the Jesuit Order, sent letters from Singapore to Goa. Xavier was near the end of his adventurous life, attempting to convert China and Japan to Catholicism.​[12]

The wars over control of the Strait of Malacca subsided when the Dutch began to seriously set roots in Southeast Asia. Unlike the Portuguese, the Dutch sailed to Indonesia through the Sunda Strait, the waterway between Sumatra and Java, avoiding the Malacca Strait. Dutch fleets sailed from their colony at the Cape of Good Hope in what is now South Africa across the Indian Ocean rather than via India.

They wanted to control as much of Asia’s trade as possible, so they sought to dominate the Malacca route. They took Malacca from the Portuguese in 1641, retaining it until the British era. The Dutch based their slowly growing colony in Batavia (now Jakarta) in Java, and Malacca became subordinate to Batavia. Singapore was under vague Dutch sovereignty. Neither Singapore nor Malaya had much that interested the Dutch other than the strait, so the Dutch concentrated on Java.

Johore’s power had faded considerably by Raffles’s day. Singapore was a poor and remote dependency left largely to its own. The Malacca Strait was contested among the Dutch East India Company, Aceh (the Sumatran sultanate), and the British East India Company. Portuguese power had faded away, but pirates continued to be problematic.​[13]

Distant wars had an impact on Singapore. The French Revolution and the following Napoleonic Wars lasted from the early 1790s to 1815. The British East India Company was centered in Bengal, and its commerce was threatened by French forces in their island colony near Madagascar and Mauritius and from several minor French-controlled areas on the coast of India.

Revolutionary France occupied the Netherlands in the 1790s, and after Napoleon took control of France, he made the Netherlands part of his empire. The British feared that the French would take over the Dutch colonies, which could threaten British rule in India and British trade. The Dutch king fled to Britain and agreed to let Britain take over the colonies to prevent a French takeover. The king wrote letters to administrators in the Dutch colonies, giving the British permission to take control.

French naval units and privateers based in Mauritius, which the French called Isle de France, attacked British shipping in the Indian Ocean. French privateers menaced shipping so much that the British introduced a convoy system from the Cape of Good Hope to India. Some French warships were based in Java and preyed on shipping in the Strait of Malacca. Britain managed to eliminate the dangers. The Indian Ocean was safe for British merchant shipping by about 1811.​[14]

In response to the French threat, Britain took control of Cape Colony (South Africa), Malacca, Java, and other Dutch possessions. It also conquered Mauritius in 1810.

Following the end of the Napoleonic Wars, Britain returned most of the Dutch possessions, although it kept Cape Colony. The Dutch returned to their prewar pattern of trying to restrict traffic through the Malacca Strait. This motivated Sir Stamford Raffles to see if there was a point on the Straits that would make a good British base. After cruising the Strait of Malacca and investigating several potential sites, he found one: Singapore.

​Chapter 3 – Sir Stamford Raffles and the Early Colony

Sir Stamford Raffles (1781–1826) was an official of the British East India Company (EIC) and the governor of the EIC’s factory at Bencoolen on the southwestern coast of Sumatra, which had been in British hands since 1684. (A factory was part warehouse, part fort, part market, and part residence; it was run by an agent called a factor, hence the name.) Raffles was one of those EIC administrators; he was also something of an adventurer. Such men had spearheaded the EIC’s rise to dominance in India.

A portrait of Sir Stamford Raffles.

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:George_Francis_Joseph_-_Sir_Thomas_Stamford_Bingley_Raffles.jpg

Raffles was convinced that Britain and the East India Company needed a base of some kind in the Strait of Malacca. When Napoleon occupied the Netherlands, the British assumed control of the Dutch colonies of South Africa, Java, and many posts in places like Sri Lanka, Malacca, and Java. With the final defeat of Napoleon, the Dutch wanted them back. Once they were in control again, in 1816, they tried to reassert control of the Malacca Strait.

Raffles had strongly opposed returning the colonies to the Dutch. He seemed to have envisioned Britain coming to control Southeast Asia and dominating the Chinese trade. It is unclear if he simply wanted to increase the EIC’s trade or contribute to the power of Britain in Asia; perhaps it was both.

He acquired extensive knowledge of potential posts in the Strait of Malacca by exploring various sites. As governor of Bencoolen on Sumatra, Raffles was quite familiar with the Straits and the relationships among the many entities in Malaya and nearby Sumatra. Raffles visited Calcutta, the main EIC center in the Indian Ocean, and convinced the governor general that Britain needed a free port in the eastern part of the Malacca Strait. The governor gave Raffles permission to investigate the possibilities. The EIC relied heavily on the profits of trading opium, with China being the main market, and the governor agreed that a port would be advantageous.​[15]

Raffles set out with a couple of EIC ships (the East India Company had a sizable fleet of warships, as well as a large army in India) and visited several possible sites. He looked at Siak in Sumatra and other islands in the strait but found them not to be suitable. Raffles finally decided on Singapore. On January 28th, 1819, he anchored his ships, landed some troops, set up an encampment, and ran up the flag.

The island was, in theory, under the rule of the sultan of Johore, who was himself under Dutch supervision. There was also a local ruler, Temenggong Abdul Rahman (Temenggong was a Malay title; it was lower in rank than a sultan). He had relocated to Singapore to escape strict Dutch supervision in the Riau Islands, located not far to the south of Singapore. He was subordinate to the sultan of Johore. The population of Singapore had declined to perhaps a thousand by the time Raffles landed.

When Raffles first landed, the island had a mixed population of local Chinese, Malays, and people called Orang Laut. The Orang Laut were a maritime people prominent in the Indonesian archipelago. The Temenggong was the nominal ruler of several thousand Orang Laut scattered over several islands. The British saw them as pirates, but they were something closer to a combination of fishermen and coast guards.​[16]

Raffles and the Temenggong seem to have plotted together to install a new sultan in Johore because an agreement granting the right to construct a station required the sultan’s agreement. The process they used was underhanded, but it worked. In 1811, the sultan of Johore, Mahmud Shah III, died. He had two sons, Hussein (the elder son) and Abdul Rahman. At the time of the sultan’s death, Hussein was away getting married. Abdul Rahman usurped the title and exiled his older brother to the Riau Islands to the southeast of Singapore. In 1818, Sultan Abdul Rahman signed an agreement with the Dutch, allowing them to post a garrison in Riau. Understanding this bit of history can be a bit complicated due to the fact that both the Temenggong and the Johore sultan had the same name, Abdul Rahman.

Raffles arranged for Hussein to come to Singapore from Riau, and he and Temenggong Abdul Rahman somehow managed to have Sultan Abdul Rahman deposed and Hussein installed as the new sultan. The new sultan and the Temenggong agreed to grant Raffles the right to establish a post in return for an annual pension of Sp$5,000. Abdul Rahman got an annual pension of Sp$3,000.​[17]

These pension amounts were in Spanish dollars, a common currency used for generations in the region. Spain had colonized some of the Philippines by the mid-1500s and made Manila into a major trading center. A great deal of silver from the mines in Peru and Mexico fueled this trade, and an annual voyage from Acapulco in Mexico to Manila, called the “Manila galleon” (with another annual voyage from Manila to Mexico), ran for 250 years. The payments Raffles provided for the right to establish a post in Singapore were, for the time and place, very generous.

Spanish dollars were coined in Peru and Mexico for trade purposes. Asian traders appreciated the quality of the coins because the amount of actual silver in the coins was consistent. The dollars had milled edges to prevent bits from being cut off, a common practice that reduced the value of a coin. The quality lasted for generations and led to trust in and preference for Spanish dollars. Even silver coins minted in Asia often duplicated the Spanish coins. This same dollar was legal as currency in the United States well into the 1800s. The US dollar was actually named after it, and that gave rise to the US dollar sign ($).

Raffles set up Singapore as a low- or no-tariff port, which meant less expense for shipping goods. He left after a brief stint as governor, leaving behind a close friend and subordinate, Major General William Farquhar, as the Resident and commandant (the Resident was an official office; it was a kind of governor). The low tariffs were intended to attract Chinese and Malay merchants from the Dutch colonies and India, and they worked well and quickly. Singapore grew to five thousand people in 1821, a considerable increase in the two years since Raffles acquired the concession in 1819.

The Dutch in Java were livid and had their ambassador in Britain protest. The East India Company administration in London agreed that Raffles had “contravened his instructions” but took no corrective action, so the acquisition of the base in Singapore stood.

The British colonies in India were ruled by the East India Company, and the Dutch colonies in Indonesia were ruled by the Dutch East India Company, the Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie, usually known by its initials, VOC. Both were originally joint-stock companies originating in the 1600s that had become semi-official government agencies with huge territories they had conquered and administered in Asia. By the 1820s, the Dutch had become a second-rate power. They were exhausted by the Napoleonic Wars and the French occupation. The VOC probably could have ejected the British from Singapore, but it might have lost Java if the British responded.

Raffles returned to Singapore in 1822 and reorganized the British concession. By then, the population had grown even more and had become even more diverse. The new inhabitants included hundreds of followers of the new sultan, several hundred of the Orang Laut, merchants called Bugis (who chafed under Dutch restrictions), and many overseas Chinese, who were descended from ethnic Chinese who had long since left China and often intermarried with local women.

Raffles devised a plan for the city, but the actual published plan was drawn up by Lieutenant Philip Jackson, so it’s often called the Jackson Plan. Raffles was familiar with the colonial cities in India and wanted to avoid some of the problems those had created by haphazard growth. He was sure that Singapore was destined to become an important center and wanted it to be well organized. The city itself was planned on the shore of the south side of the island to be five kilometers wide and one kilometer deep. He designated a commercial sector in the planned city and set aside areas for markets, churches, shipyards, and a botanical garden, the latter of which was founded later and still exists.

The Jackson Plan.

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Plan_of_the_Town_of_Singapore_(1822)_by_Lieutenant_Philip_Jackson.jpg

Raffles had a hill leveled and used the debris to fill in a swamp. Areas were designated for different ethnic groups. He wanted each group to be settled in different areas of the city because he was aware of long-term animosities between some of the Chinese-speaking groups. He also shut down the gambling houses and abolished slavery, but he was not able to end debt peonage (debt slavery). In 1823, he persuaded Sultan Hussein and Temenggong Abdul Rahman to give up their share of port duties and their share of taxes in return for substantial payments. Raffles left Singapore for good in October 1823, appointing John Crawfurd as Resident.​[18]

Many of Raffles’s ideas were brought to reality by an Irish superintendent of public works, George Coleman. Convict labor was readily available and transferred to Singapore when the British turned over their Sumatran station of Bencoolen to the Dutch in 1824. Convicts from India were regularly sent to Singapore. Coleman had swamps drained and filled in, laid out roads and streets, and constructed government buildings, churches, and other structures, all with convict labor. He seemed to have treated the convicts rather well.

Crawfurd was governor for three years. He reopened the gambling houses and persuaded the sultan and the Temenggong to cede Singapore to Britain in return for another substantial payment. The reality seems to have been that they had no choice but to accept the deal they were offered. Crawfurd continued Raffles’s policies, and under them, Singapore continued to develop its significance as a port city.

Singapore was originally part of the Straits Settlements, which included Penang and Malacca on the Malay Peninsula. The EIC acquired Penang by treaty in 1786 and seized Malacca from the Dutch in 1795 after the Netherlands had been occupied by revolutionary France. Britain retained Malacca in return for giving up Bencoolen. Singapore was added to the Straits Settlements in 1826, and the Straits Settlements officially remained separate from the government of the various Malay sultanates that the British later came to control on the mainland. The Straits Settlements were transferred to the government of India in 1851 and formally became a British colony after the Indian Mutiny in 1857, which resulted in Britain replacing EIC rule with British rule (essentially making Britain an empire) in 1858.

To resolve the issues between them, the Dutch and British negotiated a treaty in 1824. The British gave up all their claims to Sumatra, and the Dutch signed over their remaining posts in India and the Malay Peninsula. Britain agreed to make no more treaties with local Sumatran chiefs (only part of Sumatra had been conquered by the Dutch). The Dutch gave up all claims to Singapore and agreed to British dominance in Malaya and the Straits. However, they were assured of Dutch rights to trade. What the treaty essentially did was give the Dutch dominance in the Indonesian archipelago and the British dominance in the Malay Peninsula and the Malacca Strait.​[19]

The EIC and VOC remained in control of the colonies. The fact that their home governments did the negotiations shows how much the companies overlapped with their governments despite officially being joint-stock companies. Over the life of the companies, many shareholders became wealthy and were very influential in both London and Amsterdam. A number of EIC and VOC officials who retired in their homelands went on to become influential in politics.

Within four years of the initial British establishment of a factory, Singapore’s population reached ten thousand, an explosive growth from the original thousand or so in a fishing village.

The early British presence in Singapore was more than just a factory; it included port facilities and a growing town, but it did not yet include the whole island. In the early years, the city of Singapore took up only a small part of the whole island, much of which remained rural. Some of the island was thick jungle. The dominant official in Singapore was the Resident.

The favorable conditions of the EIC-administered market in Singapore attracted many immigrants, including many from Dutch-controlled areas who found Dutch restrictions too burdensome. Merchants moving to Singapore also appreciated the EIC’s use of force to maintain law and order, which included the suppression of piracy. The 1824 agreement gave the British control of the entire island, which was cemented by buying the claims of the original rulers. By the 1850s, a sizable and prosperous Anglicized Asian elite had been created, a class composed mostly of Chinese and Indians.

Many Arab traders also moved to Singapore, some of them achieving considerable wealth. Some of these Arab traders established charities called waqfs (also spelled wakifs and wakafs), which benefited the Muslim community by financing Muslim schools, hospitals, and other good works. The waqfs bought up much of the land in the commercial district and retained ownership until the 1970s and 1980s, when much of it was compulsorily acquired by the Singapore government for building public housing.​[20]

A view of Singapore in the 1830s.

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:View_of_Singapore_1830_Sophia_Raffles%27_memoir_of_Stamford_Raffles.jpg

In 1833, the EIC lost its last monopoly, the tea trade from India to China. The nefarious opium trade had become more important because it was a product that could be sold in China to counterbalance the Chinese export of tea. Britain forced opium on China, creating millions of addicts in the process. When Qing authorities intervened to stop it, the British reacted with force, resulting in the First Opium War (1839–1842). China was decisively defeated, weakening the Qing dynasty. For the rest of the century, China was wracked by rebellion and war, including the Second Opium War (1856–1860). The Taiping Rebellion caused a larger loss of life than World War I.

During the British Raj in India, opium was produced in a number of places but particularly in Bengal. The crop was highly profitable for the EIC. Opium was not grown in Singapore, but the traffic went through the Malacca Strait, and Singapore was a transshipment point. Opium was used by many in Singapore as well.

Until steamships became more common in Indian Ocean commerce in the Malaysian archipelago, Singapore’s trading rhythms were tied to the monsoons. The main trading season was January through March, when the northeast monsoon brought trade from China, Siam (it was not named Thailand until the 1930s), and Cochinchina (now part of Vietnam). They brought immigrant labor, dried and salt-preserved food, traditional medicines, silk, tea, porcelain, and other goods. They left just as the southwest monsoon season began, taking back spices, British manufactured goods like cotton products, iron, weapons, opium, and salt.​[21]

There was a smaller second trading season in September and October when traders from the Malay archipelago (Indonesia and the Philippines) arrived. These traders were largely an ethnic people called the Bugis. They brought rice, pepper, edible bird’s nests, rattan (made into wicker furniture), shark fins, and camphor. They returned home carrying cotton and cotton products, iron, weapons, opium, salt, and other assorted goods.​[22]

Most of the trade in Singapore was in the hands of trading companies. They usually had their own pier for unloading and loading ships, and there was a large related support system of ship chandlers (a supplier of provisions and equipment), auction houses, banks, and laborers. Ships varied greatly in size, from large sailing ships to small craft that came from local islands and Indonesia. Singapore was not threatened by invasion, rebellion, or a collapsing government as in China, and its safety and stability attracted traders and investments.

Piracy remained a constant problem and was never completely eliminated, although it was greatly reduced after 1860 when British Royal Navy steam warships began routine patrols of the strait and nearby waterways. Piracy had been a profitable occupation for centuries. One ethnic group traditionally associated with piracy was the Iranun people of Mindanao in the Philippines and northern Borneo. They sent out flotillas of up to a hundred prahus (also called proas and praus, lateen-rigged sailing boats with an outrigger). They were small and fast and raided villages. They were capable of overcoming large European and Chinese ships. Chinese pirates operated on a larger scale. They were bold enough to buy weapons and sell their booty in Singapore as late as the 1850s.​[23]

As the British acquired more and more of Malaya, Singapore became more important as the major access point to the peninsula, although Penang and Malacca retained some influence.

The colony was affected by events elsewhere in Asia. The Qing dynasty in China (1644–1911) experienced a tumultuous and very violent 19th century. The most significant was the bloody Taiping Rebellion of 1850–1868, but there were rebellions of varying size. Several uprisings were the result of Muslim unrest, and others stemmed from the activity of various secret societies. Part of the problem was that the Qing was a non-Chinese dynasty originating in Manchuria, and the other part of the problem was the humiliation of losing wars to European powers. The First Opium War (1839–1842), which was won by Britain, was especially humiliating because it forced Chinese authorities to accept widespread opium addiction.

Unrest in China spilled over into some of the rest of Asia, including Malaya and Singapore. Large numbers of Chinese became refugees, and thousands fled to Singapore. Singapore offered refugees economic opportunity and stability. Many of the Chinese were poor, but a few found opportunities and became rich.

The refugees spoke different dialects, and sometimes rivalries and differences among the immigrants sparked riots. The most serious of these outbreaks in Singapore happened in May 1854. Riots began between the Hokkien and Teochew groups, both of which are part of the Chinese community; these are known as the Hokkien-Teochew riots. They were by far the bloodiest in Singapore’s history.

Many of the rioters apparently came as refugees from a failed uprising in Amoy. Part of the cause was rivalry over control of pepper and gambier farms in Singapore (gambier is a plant whose extracts had medicinal uses and was also used in tanning hides and as a dye). It is not clear what else sparked the riots between these rival groups, but secret societies were somehow involved. The scale of the violence is quite clear. In ten days of rioting, an estimated five hundred people were killed. The police were overwhelmed, and marines landed from Royal Navy warships in the harbor to gain control. Only part of the island was involved. Six men were condemned, and two were executed. Most of the participants escaped.​[24]

The harbor of Singapore in the 1860s.

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:KITLV_-_29175_-_View_of_the_harbor_of_Singapore_-_1860.tif

By the 1850s, Singapore was home to a number of merchant houses, which had connections all over Asia. The British tracked down and eliminated most of the pirates, making Singapore a stable colony. In 1856, in addition to twenty European merchant houses, there were six Jewish, five Chinese, five Arab, two Armenian, one American, and one Indian merchant houses.​[25]

Singapore continued to be the site where large numbers of prisoners were transported from India. The use of prison labor continued for years. The prisoner regime was, for its time, extremely progressive, as there was an emphasis on rehabilitation. Prisoners were trained in crafts that could support themselves once they were freed, including basketweaving, brick making, rope making, carpentry, weaving, and tailoring. The program attracted observers from several countries, including Thailand and Japan. They hoped to implement the same system and reach the same success in their countries.​[26]

Singapore was also affected by the Sepoy Rebellion in India (1857–1859). A large number of Indian troops called sepoys rebelled. The East India Company maintained sizable armies in India to maintain order, guard against rebellions, and fight invaders. Most of the units were recruited locally, although some regiments were rotated in from Britain. The local recruits were often called “sepoys.” The story is that the East India Company purchased supplies that included rifle ammunition that used animal grease for lubrication, including lard from pigs and tallow from cows. Pigs are regarded as unclean in Islam, and cows are sacred to Hindus. That might have simply been a rumor, but it sparked a massive rebellion. In India, this rebellion is often called the First War of Indian Independence. Casualties were heavy, and atrocities were committed by both sides. The rebellion was put down brutally.

While the rebellion did not involve Singapore directly, one major consequence of the rebellion did: the end of the East India Company and the emergence of direct British rule. Singapore was no longer under the administration of the East India Company. As part of the Straits Settlements, it came under the authority of Calcutta and later as a Crown colony administered by the Colonial Office in London.

Perhaps the most negative impact of the British administration was that Singapore’s government, whether under the EIC or British governors, derived much of its income from opium. The government sold the rights to open opium dens to businessmen and charged regular fees, which provided a hefty portion of the total yearly budget. It accounted for between 30 and 50 percent of Singapore’s budget every year from 1825 to 1910 and remained legal until 1946. By 1847, there were an estimated fifteen thousand opium users out of a population of seventy thousand. There were many unlicensed dens as well, and it is thought that opium addicts who could not afford their habit were a major cause of crime. The social costs of opium were known but not of particular concern, probably because the users were mostly impoverished and exploited laborers, known then as “coolies,” who were far down the social scale.​[27]

​Chapter 4 – Singapore as a Crown Colony (1850–1929)

For the next fifty years after the initial British occupation, Singapore continued to steadily grow in importance as a trading center. The island was of only moderate importance in the 1850s, but it grew more important as the century went on.

Population growth was steady, with most immigrants coming from China. The migrants came from different regions of China and differed considerably from each other. Many spoke dialects of Chinese that were mutually unintelligible. The two earliest and largest dialect groups were the Hokkien from Fujian and the Teochew from Chaozhou prefecture in Guangdong. Other migrants from Guangdong spoke Cantonese, and those from the island of Hainan spoke Hainanese. Raffles’s plan for Singapore sought to separate these groups because of considerable historical animosity among the dialect groups.​[28]

Migrants from China tended to seek out the areas in Singapore where their compatriots had settled. Groups also had a strong tendency to focus on specific economic activities. The Hokkien worked as traders, boatmen, fishermen, and bricklayers. Some Hokkien became wealthy and started banks. They came to dominate banking, finance, and real estate. They were (and still are) the largest single dialect group in Singapore.

The Teochew were the second largest dialect group. Many worked in agriculture, and in the 1800s, they dominated pepper and gambier production, although soil depletion in Singapore drove many to settle in Malaya. The Cantonese were the third largest immigrant group, with many becoming artisans in such occupations as carpentry. The Hakka, who were a sort of migratory people in China, worked in trades such as shoemaking, tailoring, and pawnbroking. Pawnshops were important in the Chinese community because there was no other way for poor people to obtain loans.​[29]

The Hainanese, who came from Hainan Island, gravitated to domestic service and also became barmen, bakers, and cooks. They were the fifth largest dialect group. The Fuzhou dominated coffee shops and the rickshaw and bicycle trades, and the Shanghainese people dominated leather goods, antiques, and cinemas. This meant a dialect group dominated a trade association, like the Putian came to predominate the Singapore Cycle and Motor Traders’ Association. The association of dialect groups with particular occupations was never certain, but it was a persistent pattern that lasted into the second half of the 20th century.​[30]

Many of the migrants were members of secret societies. They were often called triads because the first secret society was the Heaven, Earth and Man Society (Tiandihui), or Triad Society. It was founded in the late 1600s to fight the Qing dynasty. The Qing were Manchu, and for the entire period of their rule, ethnic Chinese plotted against them. There were at least twelve of these secret societies in Singapore, and they sometimes erupted in violence against each other. They were officially banned in 1889, which drove them underground. The societies continued to exist, often becoming involved with crime, but their influence was greatly reduced by the ban.​[31]

A large majority of the migrants were male. In the mid-1860s, Chinese men outnumbered women fifteen to one. Many men married local Malay women or simply never married. The ratio very slowly changed, but immigrant men continued to heavily outnumber women well into the 1900s.

In 1826, Singapore became part of the Straits Settlements. It was administered from Penang in Malaya. Singapore rapidly became the most important of the Straits Settlements. It was placed under the administrative control of the Presidency of Bengal, the EIC division based in Calcutta (this presidency was one of the three main divisions of EIC rule in India, the other two being at Bombay and Madras). This did not work well because Calcutta was interested in Singapore as a source of income and kept trying to impose port duties. Singapore’s merchant class fought these attempts and succeeded.​[32]

The year 1869 was a crucial one for Singapore. In that year, the Suez Canal was opened, vastly shortening the distance from Europe to Asia. There was a considerable increase in trade as a result. The Suez Canal was constructed by French engineer Ferdinand de Lesseps with French capital, French managers, and Egyptian labor. The canal had been constructed by a joint-stock company, which was seeking to make a profit. The Suez Canal took ten years to build and involved hundreds of thousands of Egyptian workers. As many as 100,000 people died during construction from disease and accidents. The canal quickly came to be seen as vital to Britain’s connection to India.

A large portion of the shares in the Suez Canal had been given to the ruler of Egypt, Khedive Ismail Pasha, to pay for the right to build the canal (Khedive means “viceroy”). While Egypt was nominally part of the Ottoman Empire, it had largely been independent since Muhammad Ali Pasha, an Albanian adventurer, had taken control in 1805 (he ruled until 1848).

Khedive Ismail spent lavishly and went bankrupt. He was forced to put his shares in the canal up for sale, and British Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli leaped at the opportunity, making a deal to buy the khedive’s shares. Parliament was not in session, so Disraeli borrowed £4,000,000 from the Rothschild bankers in London. By November 1885, Britain owned 44 percent of the canal shares. The upshot was that soon after this, Britain assumed control of the Suez Canal. The khedive faced a rebellion, which British troops put down, in the process making the khedive a puppet and making Egypt a British protectorate.

Long-distance telegraph cables were invented around this time. After some earlier attempts failed, permanent long-distance links emerged around 1870. Britain was linked with India in 1870, connecting the Mediterranean links with Bombay via Port Suez and Aden. Bombay was linked to Madras, and then a link was made with Singapore in 1871 from Madras via Penang and Malacca. At the same time, telegraph cable links were made from Hong Kong to Port Darwin in Australia via Java. Singapore was linked to Hong Kong in 1871. Given the existing transatlantic cables and the links to South America, much of the world was linked by telegraph by the early 1870s.

This had a great deal of impact. The Suez Canal had reduced the time it took for mail, shipping, troops, officials, and diplomatic correspondence sailing from London to reach the Asian colonies. Rather than months, the voyage only took a matter of weeks. The telegraph made communication between London and key locations in India, Singapore, and Hong Kong possible within hours. This meant that London could respond to issues much more quickly. The kind of diplomat adventurer exemplified by Stamford Raffles was no longer possible. Raffles’s physical distance from both Calcutta (where the EIC headquarters for Bengal was located) and the distance in time it took to receive news and issue warnings had allowed for exploits like his deal for Singapore. This autonomy was eliminated by the telegraph.

Tin was discovered in western Malaya about 1848. It was a minor product until the explosion of the use of tin-plated cans for products like tuna fish, especially in the US. Tin-plated cans were steel cans coated with tin on the inside, which prevented rust and prevented the steel from imparting a metallic taste to the contents. By the late 1800s, Malaya was exporting thousands of tons of tin each year and had become the world’s largest producer. By 1904, Malaya accounted for more than half the world’s tin production. Most of this was shipped through Singapore to the rest of the world, although some canning was done locally.

Two other developments that occurred later in the century had a vast impact on Malaya and Singapore. It was found that the peninsula had an ideal climate for growing rubber trees just as the demand for rubber began to skyrocket. The first sharp increase in the demand for rubber was the explosion of bicycle riding in Europe and North America in the 1890s. It was found that rubber tires made riding easier and more efficient. A smaller and earlier bicycle craze in the 1860s ended because iron or wooden tires were inefficient and made for a very rough ride. The bicycles were also poorly designed.

The second was the development of the automobile and the need for rubber tires. Automobiles had long been experimented with, but by the late 1890s, they were becoming practical. Experiments showed that rubber tires filled with air greatly improved the smoothness of the ride and increased mileage. By 1913, there were already a million cars on American roads. There were close to ten million cars by 1920. Motor vehicles became very important during World War I, as trucks replaced mules and horses to transport supplies, carry troops, and pull artillery. This quick development of motorized transportation was closely linked with the development of petroleum resources and the construction of highway systems.

The explosion in demand for rubber shaped the economies of the Malayan states and Singapore. Rubber brought in hundreds of thousands of migrant laborers, and rubber made Malaya strategically important; it was no longer a sleepy colonial backwater. Shipping rubber greatly increased Singapore’s commerce. Accessing rubber was a main reason for the Japanese attack in the upcoming world war.

Natural rubber had been known since the 1700s as the product of a tree native to the rainforests in the American tropics. It came from the sap of the Hevea brasiliensis tree. It was used initially to waterproof things and to make toys like rubber balls, but after the American Charles Goodyear developed the vulcanization process in 1839, rubber became much easier and more practical to use. Rubber was used for many more products, such as boots, umbrellas, and raincoats. Brazil essentially had a monopoly on rubber for many decades, lasting until the early 1900s. With the increased demand for rubber, harvesting rubber from wild trees became highly profitable for Brazil, although the number of people who harvested it in the Amazonian jungles was sometimes reduced to living under conditions of near-slavery. The worst conditions were in the Peruvian part of the Amazon.

Brazil tried to maintain its monopoly, forbidding the export of rubber trees or saplings, and the country succeeded for a time. In 1876, an Englishman named Henry Wickham smuggled seventy thousand seeds out of Brazil and took them to the Royal Botanic Gardens at Kew, where more than two thousand plants sprouted.

There are several versions of the story. One claims that Wickham would have been executed had he been caught, which seems to be a gross exaggeration. Another is that he misrepresented the shipment as simply rare specimens that were important to science. It was common for wandering botanists to send unusual plants to Kew. Perhaps the most likely claim is that Wickham was the godfather of what today would be called biopiracy. Biopiracy is exploiting plants that might prove to be valuable in some way without acknowledgement or benefit to the country of origin.

The history of botanical gardens is not well known to the public, but they served an important purpose. They nurtured the growth of seeds sent in from all over the world by explorers, travelers, and military officers. Botanists were on the alert for useful plants, particularly anything that might have economic or medicinal value, as well as for attractive or unusual flowers. Many diplomats and soldiers were also on the lookout for potentially useful plants. Botanical gardens served as centers of acclimatization, where plants from across the empire were tested to see if they could thrive in the British climate or be cultivated in new colonial environments.

Gardens were centers of experimentation and plant breeding. There were botanical gardens in the British colonies, including one in Ceylon and another in Singapore. The gardens in Kew and Singapore were important in the development of Malayan rubber. Other colonial powers also maintained botanical gardens, both in their colonies and in the home country.

Some of the seeds Wickham smuggled out of Brazil were shipped to the botanical garden in Ceylon (now Sri Lanka), and in 1877, a shipment of twenty-two saplings reached the Singapore Botanic Garden. Due to the challenges of long sea voyages during the Age of Sail, seeds were typically sent to botanical gardens. The introduction of steamships significantly improved conditions, increasing the success rate of transporting live plants. Wickham was knighted for his smuggling of the seeds.​[33]

Acclimating these seedlings was the beginning of the rubber industry in Malaya and Southeast Asia, which soon transformed the region. Rather than collecting rubber from wild trees randomly distributed in the Amazon rainforest, trees were grown on plantations in Malaya. This made it possible to have a much larger and much more reliable supply of rubber. It also caused the Brazilian wild rubber industry to collapse.

An extremely important development was made by H. H. Ridley, director of the Singapore Botanic Garden. After several years, once some of the saplings grew large enough to produce sap that produced latex, Ridley experimented with ways of harvesting the rubber, which involved slashing the trunk so the sap “bled” into containers fixed to the trunk. Ridley began his experiments in 1888 and soon developed a method that maintained production at a high level much longer than the traditional Brazilian method, which reduced a tree’s production after a few years. The method Ridley devised remains in use.​[34]

The fact that rubber trees grew so well in Malaya quickly gained the attention of venture capitalists in Britain, and they brought large amounts of capital with them. The rapidly increasing demand for rubber promised quick and substantial financial returns. Land for plantations was quickly assembled, trees planted, and the necessary infrastructure built. This required government action in terms of land use and the recruitment of labor. Policies strongly favored British investors rather than local capital. The rubber boom helped pay for a developing infrastructure in Malaya, but did little else for the indigenous Malays. Singapore quickly became the main port for exporting Malayan rubber to the world.

There was a second rubber boom concurrent with the Brazilian one, but it happened under much worse conditions in the Congo Free State (later called the Belgian Congo). A different plant yielded rubber of a quality similar to the Hevea brasiliensis and was collected in the wild by what were essentially slaves who lived under a murderous regime. It hugely enriched King Leopold II of Belgium, but the extreme maltreatment of the rubber gatherers resulted in millions of deaths. The regime in the Congo lasted until 1906, when Belgium took over the administration of the colony.

The rubber production from Malaya almost completely ended the production of Congo rubber, as it simply could not compete. Malayan rubber was much cheaper, and neither Brazil nor Congo could compete with the lower price or the higher quality. The condition of Malayan rubber workers was not great, but it was much better than that of those in the Amazon and in the Congo. The Malayan rubber boom indirectly contributed to bettering conditions in the Amazon and Congo by rendering the industry there no longer profitable.

During the late 1800s, the British effectively gained control of all the sultanates in Malaya. They installed officers called Residents, who held almost all of the real power, leaving the various sultans with their titles and symbolic power shown through elaborate ceremonies. The Residents imposed the schemes approved by the Colonial Office in London. One plan was to alter the traditional Malayan land-holding system by allowing the sale and purchase of land. Malay landholders were eager to sell, and the buyers were often British individuals or companies. There were already some plantations in Malaya before rubber became so important, growing crops like tapioca and coffee.​[35]

Singapore became a center for immigration from both India and China, and they would sometimes continue on to Malaya and elsewhere to find jobs as laborers. The immigrant communities became prosperous enough and literate enough to support newspapers in both Malay and Chinese. Singapore also became a center for the Islamic revival movement of the late 1800s. All of this prosperity created something similar to a middle class. The Chinese community was even prosperous enough to send substantial donations to China to help with famine relief and sometimes to aid political groups.​[36]

The colony continued to grow, and the colonial government was reasonably all right, with low taxes in effect. One unusual office was called Protector of Chinese, which was filled by William Pickering, who was fluent in Chinese. He worked to protect migrants from China, trying to end debt servitude and forced prostitution. The government of India also offered a few protections for workers from India. Officials visited plantations where Indians from their jurisdiction were employed.

However, the government was not always protective, and the income from opium made up half the city’s revenue as late as 1910. In 1910, the government took over the manufacture and sale of opium, which apparently eliminated some of the worst abuses. Opium was legal until 1946 (today in Singapore, the possession or sale of opium can result in the death penalty).​[37]

Singapore was becoming a large city, but the island of Singapore still had rural areas, some of which were wild. Tigers inhabited the island and sometimes killed and ate people. The several hundred pepper and gambier plantations on the island depleted the ability to support wildlife, so tigers sometimes preyed on humans. The last person in Singapore killed by a tiger was in 1890, and the last known wild tiger on the island was shot in 1930.​[38]

In 1895, the Colonial Office formed the Federated Malay States, which grouped the several Malay sultanates into one unit. This gave the governor general more power, although each sultanate retained the official called the Resident. Singapore remained part of the Straits Settlements, making it a separate Crown colony. It had a governor and an advisory assembly of locals.

Policy concerning land sales changed when outsiders bought up so much land that the production of food was threatened. In 1913, the government passed the Malay Reservations Act. This piece of legislation defined substantial areas of Malaya as “reservations,” meaning the land was reserved for Malays. The land in them could not be leased or sold to a non-Malay. Part of the intent was to ensure that Malay peasants continued to grow rice, ensuring that the labor force in the mines and on the plantations could be fed without the need to import rice from outside the colony. The Land Office of the Federation refused to sell ethnic Malays land to create plantations and strongly discouraged them from growing rubber trees on their small plots.​[39]

The rush to create plantations was due to their profitability. There were dividends of 200 percent in a single year, and a number of fortunes were made. Little of the profit was passed on to the laborers, and wages remained low. By 1929, there were 258,000 “coolies,” as they were called, working on the rubber plantations in Malaya. Most were immigrants from India or China. Some Malay peasants did grow rubber on their small holdings, but this accounted for only a small fraction of total rubber production.

Originally, labor recruited from India was based on indentured servitude, but that was done away with because of widespread abuse and exploitation. It was replaced by the practice of using kangani (senior employees on a plantation who went back to India to recruit laborers). Most of the recruits were from the same area as the kangani, who recruited from familiar villages, from their family, and from the same caste. Hundreds of thousands of Indians were recruited, primarily from southern India. These migrants usually intended to send wages back home for some purpose, like building a house, but many remained in Malaya. Some migrated to Singapore.​[40]

About a third of the immigrant laborers were from China. They were recruited in a different way from the workers from India. Laborers came on the “ticket system,” meaning their labor was controlled by the contractors who paid for the ticket from China. The contractors signed agreements with plantations to supply labor, and the contractors’ agents resided on the plantations and controlled the labor. Laborers in the system were often taken advantage of, and there was little government oversight. The workers from India at least had the benefit of the Indian government monitoring the conditions of laborers recruited from India.​[41]

Early on, the labor migrants were primarily male, although this slowly changed. One result was that many migrants married local Malay women, starting mixed families and adding to the ethnic complexity of Malaya.

The plantation owners created several associations to look out for their interests. One point of contention between the Land Office of the Federation government and the associations was over wages. The plantation owners and companies wanted to keep labor costs low, and one way to do that was to encourage migration so a plentiful supply of laborers kept pay low.

Singapore became an important center for the British in East Asia, and Malaya became the premier source of the world’s rubber. This made protecting the colonies more of a concern than in the past. Britain had a rivalry with Russia since the Crimean War in the 1850s, and there were fears of Russian aggression in the Persian Gulf since Russia had annexed much of central Asia. Russia’s development of military capability in the Pacific became a concern. Japan was also concerned, so cooperation against Russia came naturally.

Japan and Britain signed a treaty of alliance in 1902 that was aimed primarily against Russia. In the previous fifty years, Russia had seized large areas in the Amur River Basin, turned the new city of Vladivostok into a naval base, and tried to take control of the Chinese province of Manchuria. Russia had vastly improved its ability to act in Asia by completing the Trans-Siberian Railroad in 1904, with a link crossing through Manchuria. Vladivostok was located on the Sea of Japan, slightly over six hundred miles from Japan. Russia had forced China to concede a port on the Yellow Sea, northwest of Korea, which was developed as a naval base and fortress called Port Arthur (now called Lushun). These developments threatened Japan, and Britain was fearful of Russian expansion, although Port Arthur was far from Singapore.

Tensions between Russia and Japan over Manchuria and Korea resulted in the Russo-Japanese War of 1904–1905. It began with a surprise Japanese naval attack on Port Arthur and included heavy fighting in Manchuria and Korea. The Russians sent their entire Baltic fleet from Europe to circumvent around the southern tip of Africa (the Suez Canal was not closed to belligerents, but the Russians did not trust the British). The voyage was epic and incredibly foolhardy. It took six months to cover eighteen thousand miles, and there were several stops along the way. The fleet rounded Madagascar and sailed across the Indian Ocean, entering the Malacca Strait and passing by Singapore on its way to the South China Sea. None of the Russian warships stopped at Singapore.

The Russian fleet met the Japanese fleet in battle at Tsushima, named for an island between Japan and Korea. Japanese Admiral Togo had been trained in Britain, and Japan had purchased and built a formidable and well-equipped fleet. Togo’s force outgunned, outmaneuvered, and outfought the Russians, and for the first time in centuries, a European fleet was defeated by an Asian power. The Russian fleet was nearly annihilated. Of the thirty-eight warships in the fleet, three escaped and made it to Vladivostok. Some 5,000 Russian sailors died, as did 117 Japanese.

The fact that an Asian power had destroyed a European fleet vastly increased Japan’s standing in the world and showed that Japan was now the most powerful nation in Asia, other than the colonial powers. The Russo-Japanese War was actually a close thing, with the Japanese victories on land stemming as much from the incompetence of Russian generals as anything else. The war ended with the Treaty of Portsmouth, named after the city in the US state of Maine where the agreement was signed. US President Theodore Roosevelt arbitrated the peace.

The British-Japanese alliance remained in effect during the First World War. Japanese warships patrolled against German commerce raiders, escorted troopships from Australia to the Red Sea, and took over the German colonial territories of the Caroline, Mariana, and Marshall Islands.

Singapore was not very affected by the First World War. Other than the Japanese siege of the German concession in China, Qingdao (also known as Tsingtao) and the actions of a few German commerce raiders, there was no fighting in most of the Pacific, although in 1914, the German East Asia Squadron left Qingdao and sank a British flotilla off the coast of Chile and was annihilated in a battle near the Falkland Islands.

A map of Singapore in 1914.

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Map_of_Singapore_(Baedeker,_1914).jpg

There was one significant violent incident in Singapore. On February 15th, 1915, an Indian regiment mutinied. The 5th Light Infantry mutinied over rumors that they might be transferred to fight in East Africa. There were about eight hundred mutineers, almost all of them Rajputs, and they were joined by about one hundred of the Malay State Guides Battery. They broke out of their barracks and shot several of their officers. One group went on a killing spree, shooting down Europeans and Chinese. Others tried to recruit the three hundred German prisoners of war confined in the city, among whom was the captive crew of the famous commerce raider Emden. A few did join the mutineers.​[42]

Singapore authorities quickly recruited marines from the HMS Cadmus in the harbor, as well as police and troops from loyal units. Four foreign warships by chance had arrived at Singapore and helped repress the mutiny as well. On February 17th, the French cruiser Montcalm arrived and landed marines to help put down the mutiny. Marines from two other smaller warships, one Japanese and one Russian, also landed troops. Many of the mutineers engaged these troops, but in the ensuing firefight, the mutineers broke rank and ran. A few fled across the Strait of Johore but were captured by the sultan’s troops. On February 20th, six companies of a British unit, the 5th Shropshire Territorials, arrived from garrison duty in Burma.

The event is known as the Singapore Massacre. The British lost thirty-three men, and fourteen civilians were killed. Some two hundred mutineers died in the fighting. Many of the mutineers were shot, and one firing squad reportedly had 110 soldiers execute 22 mutineers. Some of the mutineers were exiled for life. The incident resulted in the compulsory military training of all British men aged eighteen to fifty-five in the colony.​[43]

Following the end of the war, Singapore went into a recession because the demand for tin and rubber had diminished, but the economy recovered, and the city kept growing. The economy continued to be based largely on tin and rubber, but it expanded to canning pineapple, processing petroleum products, shipbuilding, and ship repair. The expansion of naval facilities also employed many residents.

A significant development was the increasing population of Chinese and Malays who were actually born in Singapore, although it did not reach past 50 percent of the total population until the late 1940s.

A significant construction project was the opening of the Johore Causeway in 1924. This connected Johore in Malaya with Singapore. It carried both road and railroad traffic. It blocked larger ships from the Johore Strait because the clearance was low. In World War II, the causeway enabled the British forces in Malaya to retreat to Singapore easily and for the Japanese to cross over. It has since been rebuilt and is one of the busiest border crossings in the world.

​Chapter 5 – Fortress Singapore (1929–1945)

Following the end of the First World War, British concerns for Singapore focused on Japan. Japan had formally been a British ally, but the 1902 treaty lapsed in 1923. By the 1920s, the only potential threat to Singapore was from Japan, which had the third most powerful navy in the world after the British Royal Navy and the US Navy.

The Japanese defeat of Russia and the later Russian Revolution eliminated the threat from Russia. But Japan had acquired most of the German island colonies in the Pacific. It annexed Korea in 1910 and had already annexed Taiwan in 1895 after defeating China in a war that lasted from 1894 to 1895. Japan was also beginning to encroach on Manchuria.

As Japan emerged as the most likely threat, Britain decided to invest heavily in fortifying Singapore, with the presumption that any attack would come from the sea. Fortifying Singapore began in the early 1920s. By the late 1930s, Singapore was equipped with a number of fortified batteries of heavy naval guns. The gun emplacements were on Singapore proper, as well as on several of the smaller islands nearby that were Singapore territory. The logic was flawed. While Japan’s military strength was assumed to be primarily naval, Japan had already made a very large-scale land invasion of China.

The British strategy was for Singapore to be able to defend itself against a Japanese attack, send the home fleet to Asia to assemble at the Singapore naval base, and then sail to Japan to defeat the Japanese fleet. There were some problems with the strategy, the most basic of which would soon be illustrated: battleships were obsolete because of the development of air power. In retrospect, all of the colonial powers (the Dutch in Indonesia, the French in Indochina, and the British in Malaya and Borneo) grossly underestimated Japan’s military capacity.

While the British were developing Fortress Singapore, other world events occurred. The Qing dynasty in China had fallen in 1911, and a civil war erupted that featured warlords and the increasingly formidable Nationalist and Communist forces, resulting in yet more refugees from China.

The interwar event that affected Singapore the most was the 1929 crash that resulted in the Great Depression. Singapore’s exports dropped more than 50 percent, and rubber prices dropped by 80 percent. Tin prices dropped as well. This deeply affected Singapore’s and Malaya’s workers. In 1930, the colonial government dropped daily wages by 20 percent, to forty cents for men and thirty cents for women plantation workers. The wages for workers at Singapore’s naval base dropped from eighty cents a day to seventy cents.

The drop in Malaya’s production resulted in considerable impoverishment, as thousands of workers were laid off. Many of the plantation workers returned home during the several years the Great Depression affected the rubber market. Others were unable to return home because of the chaos in China. Perhaps the one bright light was that the prices for food and other necessities also dropped.

Prices shot back up when the danger of war in Europe became evident. The production of military vehicles skyrocketed. The sudden increase in demand for rubber and the sharp rise in prices resulted in some of the plantation companies seeing dividends of as much as 250 percent. Laborers earned better wages as a result.

In the 1930s, immigration from China and India was restricted for males. Women were not restricted. Nevertheless, there was a continuing stream of illegal immigrants seeking stability and jobs.

The Singapore government began to open up a little to local political input, but there was no doubt as to who was in charge. The governor and top officials of the Malay Civil Service could only be held by “native-born British subjects of pure European descent on both sides.” That smug sense of European superiority was in its last years. The Japanese used Asia to push their propaganda once World War II began.​[44]

In 1939, there were seventy-three thousand children in Singapore schools. Enrollment in Chinese language schools was thirty-eight thousand, twenty-seven thousand in English schools, six thousand in Malay schools, and one thousand in Tamil schools. Schools had not always been good in terms of literacy, but by the 1930s, they had improved, and a few were outstanding. A sizable percentage of Singaporeans were bilingual.

Just as the Great Depression hit, another development occurred, one that would have a drastic impact on Singapore after the world war. In 1930, the Malayan Communist Party (MCP) was founded, and party operatives heavily recruited Chinese who worked on the plantations. The living conditions for many of these workers were poor. A rubber workers’ strike was organized in 1937, and it was led by the Communists. The British brought in a Punjabi regiment from India to restore order, and some confrontations between strikers and the military resulted in the deaths of striking laborers. The Communist Party in Singapore was dismantled by police raids. The strike did result in some concessions. Wages were raised to the equivalent of seventy-five cents a day, and government regulations protecting Malay workers were extended to the Chinese workers.​[45]

Students and teachers were the focus of the brand-new Communist Party, which began infiltrating students’ and teachers’ organizations in 1930. Singapore experienced a student strike or two. The government sought to suppress the party and was helped by a lucky find. They captured a notebook that had a list of names and addresses of most of the organizers and members of the party, as well as notes on the connection between the local members and the agents of the Comintern (a communist organization that was a Soviet propaganda organ).​[46]

Before the war, Singapore was sometimes called the Gibraltar of the East, but it was never fortified as heavily as Gibraltar. Gibraltar was a small urban area, a harbor, and a naval base at the southern tip of the Iberian Peninsula, but it also had extremely formidable fortifications. Like Singapore, the danger to the fortress was originally thought to come from an enemy naval power, not from an overland attack. However, Gibraltar could be effectively defended from the land as well, as it had been able to resist Spanish sieges in the past. Singapore was much larger in area than Gibraltar and had a far larger population. Singapore also lacked easily fortifiable geographic features, such as the famous Rock of Gibraltar.

What the naval base did have was the world’s largest drydock, the world’s third-largest floating dock, and enough fuel to run the Royal Navy for six months. There were a number of emplacements for coastal artillery. What it did not have was Royal Navy warships. During World War II, those were concentrated in Europe in the struggle with Germany and Italy in the Battle of the Atlantic and for control of the Mediterranean.

Japan made some ominous political and military moves before the attacks that brought Britain into the Pacific War. World War II had started in Europe in September 1939, and Japan had invaded China in 1937. In September 1940, Japan, Italy, and Germany signed an alliance called the Tripartite Pact, but these nations are usually referred to as the Axis. Britain was already at war with two of the signatories, and Japan signing the agreement set off alarm bells in London and Singapore.

Tensions rose all over the Pacific. Japan had already invaded China and had committed hundreds of thousands of troops to the operation. The United States had sanctioned Japan for its attack on China by cutting off supplies of oil and other materials, which was one of the factors that triggered Japan to strike at European colonies. Another reason for the Japanese strikes was simply that it was an opportune time. Germany had defeated France, where it imposed a puppet government, and occupied the Netherlands. Britain was facing defeat in North Africa and suffered immense losses of shipping to German submarines. The British colonies were poorly defended, and the Dutch and French colonies were orphans and had little capability to resist.

On December 8th, 1941, the Japanese invaded Malaya, the day after the attack on Hawaii and the same day they invaded Luzon in the Philippines. The range over which the Japanese coordinated strikes was immense. They not only sent the aircraft carrier strike force against Hawaii, but they also sent forces against Indonesia and struck Malaya after pressuring Thailand for permission to land troops. Japanese air raids quickly destroyed the Royal Air Force’s power in the Malay Peninsula, just as they had wiped out American air power in the Philippines. The Japanese land forces practically brushed aside the British forces as they pushed south toward Singapore.

The British sent the battleship Prince of Wales and the battle cruiser Repulse toward Singapore. They had been designated “Force Z.” British intelligence thought there was only one Japanese battleship involved in the invasion of Malaya. Force Z was thought to be strong enough to defeat the warships covering the Japanese landings. The Royal Navy was wrong. There were two Japanese battleships, both of which the Prince of Wales outgunned. The two Royal Navy capital ships (the leading or primary ships) were quite powerful and were accompanied by a screen of four destroyers. However, they had no air cover. That was a catastrophic error. What followed was essentially the end of the idea that battleships determined naval combat.

On December 10th, the flotilla was discovered by Japanese patrol aircraft about fifty miles off the east coast of Malaya. Scores of Japanese torpedo bombers attacked. Both capital ships were repeatedly torpedoed, and they were sunk in a matter of hours, suffering a heavy loss of life. For the price of a few aircraft, the Japanese had temporarily destroyed the Royal Navy’s offensive capability in the Pacific.

The Japanese who had invaded Malaya were well trained, but they were not better equipped than the British forces in Malaya, which included Australian, Indian, British, Malayan, and Canadian contingents. The British forces actually outnumbered the Japanese by a considerable margin. The Japanese commander was the ruthless and highly capable Lieutenant General Yamashita Tomoyuki, and the Japanese commanders were much more competent than the British Commonwealth officers. The British and Commonwealth troops in Malaya were outfought, outgeneraled, and outmaneuvered by a much smaller Japanese force.​[47]

Australian troops disembarking at Singapore Harbor.

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:8th_Div_Troops.jpg

There were some weaknesses in the British ground forces in Malaya. About fifty-five thousand of them were troops from the Indian army, many of whom had recently been recruited. Only White officers could command formations at a higher level, and some of them did not speak Urdu, the language of the Indian army. India had not been consulted when the British committed Indian troops to the war. Some of the British troops had been trained for desert war in North Africa to fight against the Italians and Germans in Rommel’s famed Afrika Korps, not in Malaya’s hot, wet, and dense jungles. The Australian troops included some units that were insufficiently trained.​[48]

The British and Commonwealth forces were largely confined to the road system and were constantly outflanked by the Japanese, who were better trained on a tactical level. Thousands of the Japanese advanced on bicycles, which turned out to be extremely effective.​[49]

The Japanese bombing of Singapore never approached the level of the later Allied bombing of Japan or Germany, but it was deadly enough, killing several thousand and causing considerable damage. The British lost almost all their aircraft early in the campaign, which allowed the Japanese to have complete dominance of the air.

By February 8th, 1942, the Japanese army was on the Malayan side of the Strait of Johore, facing the British in Singapore. The British troops that had managed to escape the battles in Malaya withdrew to Singapore after suffering heavy losses. The Battle of Singapore itself lasted for only a week. Three Japanese divisions crossed the Johore Strait to the island of Singapore. Singapore had a population of about a million, including large numbers of refugees, who were concentrated in the city of Singapore on the southern shore. The terrain was difficult, but the Japanese were able to overcome the obstacles.

There is a myth that Singapore fell because all the artillery was in emplacements pointing at the sea, but that is not accurate. Many of the defensive positions could and did fire on the attackers, but they had another problem. They expected a naval attack, so most of the stockpiled ammunition was armor-penetrating shells, which were effective against attacking ships but not against infantry. High explosive ammunition would have been far more effective against the Japanese ground forces, but there was not enough on hand to make much difference.

Some of the fighting in Singapore was savage, and the Japanese suffered considerable casualties. The Malayan campaign had seen a number of atrocities committed by the Japanese forces, which could perhaps be attributed to the troops’ experience in fighting in China, where atrocities by Japanese troops were widespread. In Singapore, they captured Alexandria Hospital, and scores of patients were bayoneted to death. After the surrender, the attacks continued, killing about 250 patients. Thousands of Singaporeans fled, boarding whatever boats or ships they could find. Many escaped to Dutch Indonesia, but the Japanese were attacking there too. Some made it safely to Australia, which is three thousand miles to the south. An unknown number of the escapees died at sea.​[50]

Japanese soldiers firing at blindfolded prisoners.

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Japanese_shooting_blindfolded_Sikh_prisoners.jpg

Singapore was in chaos during the surrender, and looting took place. The Japanese occupation forces quickly asserted control, and the fate of anyone caught looting was grim. There were public beheadings, with the heads displayed as warnings to looters.

In all, about 100,000 British, Australian, Indian, Malayan, and other troops were taken prisoner in Singapore and Malaya. Their fate was harsh. Many died in prison camps, and thousands were used as laborers on the construction of the Thai-Burma Railroad. During its construction, nine thousand Singaporean prisoners of war died.​[51]

Estimates of the number of prisoners vary considerably, with estimates as high as 120,000. The lower counts seem to ignore the Malayan volunteers in the British forces, whom the Japanese released.

The surrender was keenly felt in Australia because of the fifteen thousand Australians taken prisoner at Singapore. That was a huge number for a country with a population of seven million. Half of them died in the prisoner-of-war camps during the war. Australian resentment over the surrender caused relations with Britain to be severely strained. Australia wanted its troops stationed in North Africa and the Middle East to return and defend the country, but Britain did not want to weaken the forces stationed there.

British and Australian prisoners of war in a Singapore prison.

Wellcome Images, CC BY 4.0 <https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0>, via Wikimedia Commons, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Prisoners_in_Changi_Jail,_Singapore._Wellcome_L0025435.jpg

Japanese intelligence officers immediately went to work on the fifty-five thousand Indian prisoners of war. Japan sought to use anti-colonial sentiment to gain support and had an official position of Japan leading all of Asia to gain independence against the European colonialists. Eventually, Japan turned out to be every bit as exploitive as the colonial regimes were, but initially, the message had considerable success.

About twenty thousand of the Indian prisoners of war quickly joined the Japanese-created anti-British Indian army called the Indian National Army (INA). Over time, twenty thousand more joined (so, forty thousand of the total fifty-five thousand Indian troops who surrendered at Singapore joined the INA). The Japanese envisioned the INA joining a Japanese invasion of British-controlled India. Japan was hopeful that an invasion would lead to a vast revolt against British rule. The creation of the INA is an indicator of Japan’s success in trying to mobilize Asian resentment against European colonialism.​[52]

In capturing Singapore, Japan gained the huge British naval complex with its drydocks and other facilities, as well as substantial quantities of fuel. In the last hours, demolition squads managed to destroy some of the facilities, making them unusable for the rest of the war. They also managed to damage the fortress artillery thoroughly enough that most of the captured heavy guns were useless and could not be used by the Japanese. Still, the former British naval facilities in Singapore proved to be very useful to the Imperial Japanese Navy during the rest of the war.

What also died was the British Empire in Asia. The vaunted power of Great Britain was badly tarnished by the ease with which Japan had sunk its two capital ships and by the fact that the British surrendered to a force a third its size. The reputations of the French and Dutch were also deeply tarnished by the easy and swift Japanese occupation of Vietnam and the defeat of the Dutch colonial army in Java.

The Japanese administration of Singapore was heavy-handed, and the occupation began with a major atrocity. Thousands of Chinese were rounded up and interrogated. The dragnet was unpredictable, with some Japanese interrogators being thorough and some not. Chinese who had worked for the China Relief Fund, schoolteachers, public servants, anyone with the bear tattoo indicating membership in Chinese gangs called triads, and those who spoke with a Hainanese accent were at grave danger.​[53] Many were taken to the beach, where they were shot or bayoneted. Japanese records indicate that about five thousand Chinese were murdered during the first several days, but locals estimate it was at least fifty thousand, maybe more. It has been called the Sook Ching Massacre, meaning “purification by elimination.” The occupation forces also used threats of another massacre to obtain an indemnity of $50 million from the Chinese community in Singapore.

In Malaya and Singapore, the Japanese favored ethnic Malays, seeing them as the real inhabitants. The ethnic Chinese were, as in Singapore, often subjected to maltreatment, arbitrary detention, and execution. Singapore might have suffered more of this kind of terrorism than other Japanese-occupied cities in Southeast Asia simply because of its large Chinese majority.

Japan renamed the city Syonan-to, “Light of the South.” The Japanese administration acted to eliminate British influence and discouraged the use of English. Schools were founded to teach the Japanese language, and schoolchildren had to face the direction of Japan and sing the Japanese national anthem to start the morning. During the occupation, many parents kept their children at home. There is little doubt that Japan intended to add Singapore to its empire, whether or not it actually meant for Malaya to become independent.

Japanese military administrators controlled the media, and anyone found listening to foreign broadcasts faced dire penalties. Sometimes, listeners were executed. Only Japanese films were shown, and seeing them was somewhat risky. Apparently, Japanese police surrounded theaters and detained the men to become forced laborers or just to spot-check their identity. Japanese police informers also sat in theaters, listening to conversations, and reported any anti-Japanese conversations that they heard. Being overheard saying anything that could be taken as anti-Japanese could be fatal.​[54]

The Kempeitai, the Japanese army military police, maintained order in the city. They had a reputation for being arbitrary and cruel. They were particularly harsh with Chinese civilians. They maintained a network of paid informers, and there were rewards for identifying any resistance or anti-Japanese activity. Civilians were required to bow to any Japanese soldiers on patrol; failure to do so could result in a beating or even execution.

Japanese army patrols occurred regularly. They could deal out violence as they saw fit. Japanese officers and non-commissioned officers often treated their own soldiers with brutality, with corporal punishment being common. It’s no wonder that violence was commonly inflicted on civilians. Many Singaporeans were betrayed by informers, and false accusations were used for personal revenge. Young women disguised themselves or hid to avoid assault by patrolling Japanese or, worse, being kidnapped and forced to serve as “comfort women” (women and girls who were forced into military prostitution).

The occupation forces strictly rationed food, and as the war progressed, inflation drove up the cost. Any families with space planted gardens, similar to the kind in Britain and the US that were called “victory gardens.” These helped feed Singaporeans, but food supplies remained limited. The staple food shifted from rice to yams and sweet potatoes, which were more easily grown. The war limited imports, although proximity to Malaya and Sumatra allowed some trade in food.

The Japanese issued currency, widely derided as “banana money,” that was subject to hyperinflation, and when the Japanese administration needed money, the occupation simply printed more and more. A large black market emerged, which strongly preferred prewar currency.​[55]

Food supplies and all other supplies became increasingly limited. The American submarine campaign, after an initial year of using ineffective torpedoes, decimated Japanese shipping. These huge losses were compounded by a shortage of fuel. Indonesia produced a great deal of oil, but Dutch engineers had damaged much of the infrastructure before the surrender. American submarines destroyed most of Japan’s tanker fleet.

Singapore was not an active war zone, although the major naval facilities were occasional targets of American or British bombing. There were several raids on the port by commando units (today they would be called special operation forces) that sank or damaged Japanese shipping. This required courage because if they were captured, they faced almost certain execution. Late in the war, two British midget submarines infiltrated the harbor to attack two Japanese heavy cruisers, inflicting serious damage on one.

Part of the island of Singapore was bombed by the Allies, beginning in November 1944 and continuing through May 1945. It was first carried out by long-range American bombers and then by British bombers. The target was the port and naval facilities. Civilian casualties from the bombing were light, and Singaporeans regarded the bombing as evidence that Japan was losing the war.​[56]

The Japanese forces in Malaya and Singapore were not defeated in battle, although in nearby Burma, late in the war, they launched an offensive into India and suffered disaster.

American bombing flattened most Japanese cities, ending the war with two atomic bombs. The Japanese army in China suffered very heavy casualties, and the American submarine campaign resulted in starving the Japanese homeland of fuel, food, and industrial resources. Japan surrendered on September 2nd, 1945.

A cheering crowd welcomes the British back.

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:SE_004648.jpg

The formal surrender of Japanese forces in Singapore took place on September 12th, 1945. It was signed by Lord Louis Mountbatten, the Allied Supreme Commander for Southeast Asia, and by Japanese General Itagaki Seishiro. Ironically, the returning British administrators had to use surrendered Japanese soldiers as police to maintain public order; the British used them until the spring of 1946.

There was a need to maintain order. At the end of the war, there was widespread looting and revenge killing of those believed to be informers and other collaborators. Infrastructure had been damaged. Still, Singapore’s fate was kinder than that of other cities. In 1945, Manila, the capital of the Philippines, was the scene of a brutal battle between Japanese and American forces, resulting in its near total destruction and a hundred thousand civilian deaths. Singapore also did not experience war between locals and returning colonial forces, which happened in Indonesia.

​Chapter 6 – Singapore and Malaysia (1945–1965)

Singapore’s history from the end of the war to independence was a tumultuous era, although it was far less violent than during the occupation. The various Malayan sultanates had been combined into the Federation of Malaya in 1948, but Singapore remained a separate political entity as one of the Straits Settlements, which also included Malacca and Penang. In 1946, Singapore became a separate Crown colony. The other Straits Settlements joined the Malayan Union, which later became Malaysia.

When the British resumed control of Malaya and Singapore, it took several years for the city to recover. Much of the infrastructure needed to be rebuilt because of damage done during the war. In 1947, the Singapore government began something similar to a social welfare plan. It included providing some benefits to the elderly, the blind, the disabled, and widows with dependent children. It also embarked on a program to provide six years of primary school for all Singapore’s children in the parents’ choice of English, Malay, Tamil, or Mandarin. Perhaps it was no coincidence that by 1947, some 60 percent of Singapore’s ethnic Chinese were native born.​[57]

The economy began to recover in 1947 and 1948, especially after the Korean War broke out and the market demand for both tin and rubber increased. One development during World War II indirectly affected Malaya and Singapore. The Japanese occupation cut off Malayan rubber exports to the rest of the world. Needing rubber, several of the belligerents turned to large-scale production of synthetic rubber, which had been developed decades before. Germany, the Soviet Union, and the United States developed methods to manufacture synthetic rubber on a very large scale as a replacement.

Following the war, synthetic rubber production was no longer spurred by wartime necessity, but it turned out to be a profitable industry. Production continued at a high enough level to keep prices for natural rubber down. The market for both increased, and eventually, after World War II, the ratio of synthetic to natural rubber stabilized at approximately 60 percent synthetic and 40 percent natural.

Three of the most important factors in Singapore’s history from the end of World War II to independence were the communist guerrilla insurgency in Malaya called the Malayan Emergency, the rise of Lee Kuan Yew, and the brief union with the Federation of Malaysia.

In 1948, violence broke out in an effort to establish a communist government in independent Malaya. The Malayan National Liberation Army (MNLA, the armed wing of the Malayan Communist Party, the MCP) began ambushing police and attacking rubber plantations and tin mines. In 1948, the colonial government of Malaya declared an emergency. The reason it was declared an emergency rather than a war was a bit of government chicanery. If it had been labeled as a war, insurance companies in Britain would have refused to pay claims for damage to plantations and mines.​[58]

The Comintern co-founded the Communist Party of Malaya in 1930. Comintern is short for Communist International, a Soviet Union organization charged with spreading communism throughout the world. The Comintern trained operatives and supported them with political expertise, funds, and sometimes weapons. The Malayan Communist Party was based at first in Singapore but expanded into Malaya. Labor strife on the rubber plantations and in the tin mines led to more recruits. During the Japanese occupation, the communists were about the only active and effective guerrillas, although there was not much in the way of armed resistance. Most of the communists were Chinese, and many Malays disliked the tendency of the MCP to dismiss the importance of religion.

Communism became an increasingly militant force in Malaya and Singapore following the war, although there had been some communist-led strikes in the 1930s that were repressed. The occupation of eastern Europe by the Soviets following the war and the triumph of Mao Zedong and the communists in China in 1949 made communism seem like a clear and present danger.

During the Second World War, the large Chinese population in Malaya was severely discriminated against by the Japanese occupation. Following the war, large numbers of ethnic Chinese lived in abject poverty and often in primitive conditions in rural areas (most of Malaya was rural at the time). The war years continued the situation that had begun during the Great Depression.

As the British reoccupied Malaya, they also discriminated against the Chinese, particularly those who had settled in areas that had been reserved for ethnic Malays. They were often uprooted and forced to leave where they had lived for years, usually with no compensation. These people provided much of the support and some of the recruits for the MCP.​[59]

Many Chinese lived on the fringes of plantations and in rural areas on land they did not own. They were often referred to by the government as “squatters.” They were the core of the MNLA, and some were experienced fighters from World War II. Many of the squatter communities supported the MNLA, some willingly and some by compulsion. It is unlikely that the MCP could have achieved a communist state because the majority population was Malay and Muslim, and there was long-standing animosity between the Malay and Chinese. Nonetheless, the MNLA launched an attempt at revolution in June 1948.

The MCP program was to establish an independent Malayan Democratic People’s Republic, and their propaganda emphasized a multiethnic country. However, it held no appeal for Muslim Malays, who were aware of the communist attitude toward religion. It held some appeal to the urban Chinese in Singapore, but the revolt was quickly crushed by police in the city. The MCP did not seem to have had much appeal to the Indian minority in either Singapore or Malaya.

The fighting took place almost entirely in the rural countryside. Guerrilla tactics included firebombing buses, damaging infrastructure such as buildings and bridges, attacking police stations, and destroying rubber trees on plantations where managers refused to contribute to the cause. Terror tactics were commonly used on villages or individuals who refused to support the guerrillas with money or food. MNLA terror tactics included burning villages to the ground, torture, public executions, kidnapping, and murder. Extortion was commonly used to acquire funds.​[60]

The initial colonial forces available to counter the guerrillas included six Gurkha battalions (troops from Nepal), three British battalions, and three Malay battalions. By the end of the Malayan Emergency, there were about twenty battalions of combat troops in Malaya. The forces included sizable contingents of Australian and New Zealand troops. Much of Malaya was still dense jungle and swamp, difficult territory for combat and ideal for guerrilla hideaways.

By 1950, the Malayan Emergency was a stalemate. Police raids had largely eliminated MNLA operatives in Singapore, but they remained formidable in the Malayan countryside. In 1951, MNLA guerrillas pulled off a major feat, ambushing and killing Sir Henry Gurney, the high commissioner of Malaya. His assassination roused the government to intensify the conflict.

The British commanders devised a new strategy to isolate the MNLA from its supporters. The “squatter” population was rounded up and settled in what were called “New Villages.” These sometimes had better facilities than where the squatters previously lived, but they also often had watchtowers and were surrounded by barbed wire fences. The occupants’ movements were restricted. About 400,000 people were relocated to 500 of these villages, a large number considering Malaya’s total population was six million, more than half of which was Malay.

The tactic of removing potential civilian supporters was not new; the British had used it while fighting in the Boer War, where the losses among the confined population were horrific. The New Villages in Malaya were much better administered than the Boer War concentration camps.

Conditions in the new villages varied, but they were rigidly policed. People leaving the villages were searched to make sure they were not carrying food to the guerrillas. Plantation workers were not permitted to take food with them to work because they might offer food to guerrillas. Any food purchased in a can or package had to be opened at the point of purchase to prevent it from falling into guerrilla hands. Families could have no more than a week’s supply of food. The British also deported twenty-six thousand people who were found not to have citizenship, most of whom were Chinese and few of whom had family or a home village in China.​[61]

The guerrillas’ campaign of damaging infrastructure and their other tactics eroded much of their support. The ruthless tactics used by the British worked. The government announced that the Federation of Malaya would be granted independence once the Malayan Emergency was over, so the pretense of the MCP fighting for independence was undermined.​[62]

The British won the campaign, which was one of very few wins for a colonial power against postwar insurgencies. The federation was, as promised, granted independence in 1957. A sizable portion of Malaya’s infrastructure suffered damage, but compared to other insurgencies, casualties were light. About 500 British and Commonwealth troops were killed in action, along with 1,500 police. MNLA losses were estimated at six thousand killed and one thousand captured.​[63]

The Malayan Emergency was only part of a world in turmoil. The British faced a rebellion in Kenya, and fighting between Jews and Arabs in Palestine prompted them to pull out. The Korean War erupted in 1950, and the communists won the Chinese Civil War in 1949. The communists in northern Vietnam defeated the French in 1954, inflicting a huge defeat on them at Dien Bien Phu. Indonesia fought a bitter war of independence against the Dutch from 1945 to 1949, ultimately achieving full sovereignty. In 1947, India gained independence from Britain, but the partition that created Pakistan led to horrific communal violence and one of the largest mass migrations in history.

The two decades from the end of World War II and Singapore’s independence were dominated by a single man. By far the most important figure in Singapore’s modern history has been Lee Kuan Yew (1923–2015). He was born into a Straits Chinese family (a family that had long been established in Singapore), and English was his first language. He later learned Mandarin, Malay, and Tamil. Lee’s family was middle class, and his father worked for the Singapore operations of an American company, Shell Oil. Lee was educated at elite Singapore schools, where he was a top student.

Lee Kuan Yew in 1975.

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Prime_Minister_Lee_Kuan_Yew_of_Singapore_Making_a_Toast_at_a_State_Dinner_Held_in_His_Honor,_1975.jpg

When the Japanese occupied Singapore, Lee was at grave risk simply because he was an educated ethnic Chinese. He came very close to death when he was part of a roundup of Chinese and was detained during the preliminaries of the Sook Ching operation, in which the Japanese killed fifty thousand Chinese Singaporeans. Lee escaped the fate that so many others suffered by sheer chance. He avoided group assembly points and lay low in the dormitory of his rickshaw puller, Koh Teong Koo. After a couple of days, Lee emerged. He went to a gate, and a Japanese guard let him through.

Koh, the rickshaw puller, had been hired before the war by Chua Jim Neo, Lee’s mother, to take the family’s children to school. He did so regularly, and the family fed him breakfast and supper. Their kindness to a lowly rickshaw puller probably saved Lee Kuan Yew’s life. If he had been killed on the beach, it’s hard to imagine what modern Singapore would be like. We can only guess that it would have been much different.

Lee’s life under the Japanese was like that of many other Singaporeans. He did what he had to do to survive. He worked as a translator for the Japanese propaganda agency and reportedly learned Japanese while doing so.

Following the war, Lee was accepted by the London School of Economics, but he apparently hated London and transferred to Fitzwilliam College in Cambridge. He studied law and finished his degree in 1948. He was called to the bar in the United Kingdom in 1950 but chose to return home.

Lee had married a fellow Singaporean while in Britain. Her name was Kwa Geok Choo (1920–2010). She was also an exceptional student and was called to the bar in the UK in 1950. She joined a law firm when they returned home. She was important to his career, acting as a close advisor. They were married for more than sixty years.

After World War II, Singapore remained a British Crown colony, ruled by a governor appointed from London. The governor ruled with the assistance of an advisory legislative council, which was partly appointed and partly elected. Members of the council were mostly wealthy, prominent, and, of course, acceptable to the governor.

The Crown colony was given limited self-governance beginning in 1953, with thirty-three seats on the council, twenty-five of which would be elective, with elections scheduled in 1955. This was the point when Lee’s political career really started. His British law degree and his fluency in English helped him rise to prominence, but he was also a canny and extremely effective politician. He was very able at negotiation and inspired loyalty among his supporters.​[64]

Lee co-founded the People’s Action Party (PAP) in 1954 and almost immediately became one of the colony’s most prominent political figures. Lee was highly active in negotiations for obtaining home rule for Singapore. He was part of a delegation sent to London in 1956, but he failed to reach an agreement. It was evident, however, that concessions would soon have to be made.

Lee led efforts to obtain self-rule, signing an agreement with Britain in 1957. A new constitution reflecting limited home rule emerged, with fifty-one legislative seats up for a vote in 1959. In that vote, Lee’s party won forty-three of the fifty-one seats and has maintained majority control ever since. Lee became prime minister and began an ambitious five-year plan that called for replacing substandard housing with new housing constructed by the government. There was a strong emphasis on education, industrialization, and improved rights for women. Women had been able to vote since 1948, but their rights were greatly expanded in 1959.​[65]

Early in the party’s history, Lee had opposition within the PAP and had to fight for control of the party with much more radical opponents. In August 1957, Lee was ousted from his position as secretary general of the PAP, but he regained control by October. At this time, the party had a considerable leftist element. To an extent, this meant that Britain and many Singaporeans found the PAP to be controversial because communists were the cause of the Malayan Emergency and much of the labor unrest. The disputes between leftists and centrists in the PAP continued until 1961, when the leftists broke with Lee and founded another party called Barisan Sosialis. It remains an opposition party to this day, but it has had very little electoral success.​[66]

The third major element in Singapore’s history after the end of World War II was its brief union with the Federation of Malaysia. Lee began as an advocate of the proposed federation, which was to join Malaya, Singapore, and the three British colonies in Borneo. Malaya had been an independent constitutional monarchy within the British Commonwealth since 1957. The formal beginning of the fully independent federation is dated to 1963.

The proposed new Federation of Malaysia was conceived as a federation of the several sultanates in Malaya proper, as well as Singapore and the large colonies in Borneo, Sarawak, and Sabah (North Borneo). The smaller oil-rich colony of Brunei chose to opt out. Lee strongly favored joining the federation over fears of Indonesia’s growing power and negotiated with Tunku Abdul Rahman, the presumptive head of the government. (Tunku is a Malay title, roughly meaning “prince.”) Lee would remain the prime minister of Singapore within the federation.

Tunku Abdul Rahman.

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Tunku_abd_rahman_(cropped,_4to3_port).jpg

The British administration passed a severe internal security law called the Internal Security Act (ISA) in 1960. The ISA permitted the arrest and indefinite imprisonment of people suspected of communism or other forbidden political activities. The ISA did not require that detainees have legal representation, and it helped the police break up communist cells in Singapore.​[67] The law remained on the books and was used later by independent Singapore to jail activists and others deemed harmful to the young country’s development.

Lee declared Singapore independent of Britain in August 1963, which was simply a formality. Negotiations to join Malaysia continued, and Singapore joined the Malaysian Federation on September 16th, 1963. Problems began almost immediately. One was the fact that Islam was Malaysia’s dominant religion, and the other was rising ethnic tensions between Malays and Chinese. Ethnic Malays were the majority in the peninsula, but there was also a substantial minority population of Chinese and Tamils. Singapore did not have a dominant or official religion. Ethnic Chinese were the majority population, while the Malays were the minority.

The Malayan Emergency was over, but the guerrillas had been almost entirely Chinese, which added to lingering ethnic animosity from earlier times. More than 70 percent of Singapore’s population was ethnic Chinese, and much of the remainder was Tamil, who were regarded as outsiders by many Malays.

The vulnerability of Singapore’s multiethnic population to dissent had been shown by a peculiar set of disturbances in December 1950 called the Maria Hertogh riots. The events revolved around the fate of a girl named Maria Hertogh. She was born into a Eurasian family and was baptized as a Roman Catholic. During the Japanese occupation, her Dutch father was imprisoned, and her mother placed Maria into the care of a Malay friend’s family for safety. Her family lost track of the girl, and after the war, they moved to the Netherlands.

Maria was raised as a Muslim girl, known as Nadra binte Ma’arof. When her family discovered her location, months of negotiation and legal battles took place. Her Dutch parents won the case, but her Muslim family tried to prevent them from taking custody. Thirteen-year-old Maria was hurriedly married to a twenty-two-year-old Malay man in a traditional marriage called nikah gantung, in which the marriage was official but would not be consummated until both partners were of age. Her family sued in the Singapore courts for custody and for the marriage to be declared void. They won legal custody, the marriage was voided, and authorities took her from the family. She was placed in the care of a Roman Catholic convent by what today would be called child protective services.

After the appeal, the Singapore Supreme Court still ruled in favor of her parents. This enraged the Muslim community, and on December 11th, a crowd of two thousand to three thousand Muslim Malays assembled in front of the Supreme Court building, which was protected by a Gurkha riot squad consisting of about forty men. There was some violence, but the building was protected. The Malay mob rioted for over three days, targeting Europeans and Eurasians, burning cars and businesses, and attacking police. The authorities called on the British military to help restore order, including a couple of battalions that were transferred from Burma. A strict curfew was imposed. In all, 18 people were killed, and 173 people were injured. Hundreds were arrested, and five were condemned to death by hanging. Tunku Abdul Rahman, who had just become head of the United Malay National Organization (UMNO) and who later became the first president of Malaysia, intervened to stop the executions.​[68]

Maria was taken back to the Netherlands by her family. She initially continued her Muslim prayers and Indonesian diet, but she finally acclimated to the European culture. She married, had thirteen children, and was arrested for a plot to murder her husband. She was acquitted, married three more times, and died in 2009.

The riots intensified ethnic tensions in Singapore and Malaya. The colonial government came under criticism for its handling of the case, both locally and in Britain.

After Singapore formally merged with the new Federation of Malaysia, Lee and the Malaysian leader Tunku Abdul Rahman got along well, but the relationship between the federation and Singapore did not go so well. Tensions between the People’s Action Party (PAP) and the United Malay National Organization (UMNO) emerged almost immediately. Aside from ethnic conflict, the issues included financial assessments made on Singapore, which UMNO seemed to have regarded as something of a cash cow.

Ethnic Malay people were the majority in the federation population, but they were a minority in Singapore. In Malaysia, Islam was the official religion, and the Chinese and Indians were unpopular with a large number of Malays. In a number of matters, Malaysia favored ethnic Malays over other ethnicities.

While Lee Kuan Yew initially advocated for joining the federation, he soon realized that Singapore’s status as a predominantly Chinese city within a largely Malay and Muslim federation posed huge challenges. Having led the push for the merger, he was also the one to lead Singapore through its eventual separation. Malay animosity toward the Chinese population was related to the Malayan Emergency but had deeper roots in the era when large numbers of Chinese laborers were brought in by the British to work on the plantations and in the mines. Many Malays resented the success of Chinese immigrants and Chinese economic dominance.

Another Indonesian campaign of subversion involved actual violence in Singapore. The announcement of the formation of the Federation of Malaysia was not received well by Indonesia, which was headed by Sukarno. Indonesia had declared independence in the fall of 1945 and then fought the Dutch attempt to regain control in a bloody war of independence that ended in 1949.

Indonesia opposed the inclusion of Sabah (North Borneo), Sarawak, and Brunei in Malaysia, all three of which were on Borneo and all three of which Sukarno wanted to add to Indonesia. Sukarno had led Indonesia’s war of independence against the Dutch and was fiercely anti-colonialist. In 1962, there was a pro-Indonesian revolt in Brunei, which was almost certainly orchestrated by the Indonesian Army. Commonwealth troops stationed in Singapore were rushed to Brunei, where they quickly put down the revolt.​[69]

Sukarno, who became Indonesia’s dictator not long after independence, did not accept the Federation of Malaysia and decided to intervene. Sukarno issued a “Crush Malaysia” order shortly after the federation was created. The ensuing war was a low-level confrontation called the Konfrontasi. Indonesian troops crossed the border into North Borneo in units as large as two hundred and established camps. It differed from the Malayan Emergency in that the Indonesians were trained troops and were not committed to a political ideology. The Indonesian troops were not nearly as motivated as the guerrillas had been.

Borneo is about 250,000 square miles, making it larger than France, and Sarawak and Sabah together are about 75,000 square miles. This low-level war involved occasional skirmishes and a lot of patrolling over a huge area. The terrain in Borneo is rugged, with the interior containing thick mountainous jungle. The coasts were characterized by massive swamps, and the colonies were lightly populated.

Britain organized a campaign that featured six regiments of Gurkhas, as well as troops from Britain, Malaysia, Australia, and New Zealand. The Indonesians were gradually defeated, with many being captured. The Commonwealth troops had slightly over a hundred killed in action and several hundred wounded. The Indonesian casualties are not known, but they were probably considerably higher. Both Sarawak and Sabah joined Malaysia and are now called East Malaysia.

An unknown number of Indonesian troops infiltrated Singapore in June and July 1964. They were assigned to sabotage infrastructure, transportation, and links to mainland Malaysia. There were several bombings and some loss of life. It is thought, but unproven, that Indonesia was behind the riots that occurred in Singapore in September of 1964. The Indonesian infiltrators were not very effective and were eventually defeated. How many there were is unknown.

The most concerning incident for Singapore during the brief union with Malaysia occurred in July and September 1964. There were two ethnic riots between Chinese and Malay Singaporeans that year. The riots were closely related to political strife in Malaysia, as they came at a time of rising tension between Singapore’s People’s Action Party and Malaysia’s United Malay National Organization. Tunku Abdul Rahman, the head of the Malaysian government and of UMNO, made it plain that PAP was to confine its activities to Singapore and keep out of the rest of Malaysia. In return, the UMNO would stay out of Singapore.

Not all UMNO activists agreed with Tunku Abdul Rahman’s policy. Some decided to try to organize ethnic Malays in Singapore to challenge the PAP and Lee’s leadership. Lee refused to make concessions demanded by the activists, and UNMO activists charged that the Chinese in PAP discriminated against Malays and Muslims.

UNMO had been routed in the elections in Singapore by the very popular PAP in 1963. After the loss, these activists began to campaign against Malay membership in the PAP. They accused Malay members of being un-Islamic and against the Malays. A high UNMO official, Secretary General Syed Jaffar Albar, accused Malay members of the PAP as being anti-Malay and race traitors. The heated rhetoric raised ethnic tensions in Singapore to the boiling point.​[70]

On July 21st, 1964, many Malay Muslims in Singapore gathered for a celebration and procession in honor of the Prophet Muhammad’s birthday. The assembled crowd numbered about twenty thousand. Exactly what triggered the violence is not known, but it is thought that perhaps a Chinese bystander threw a bottle at the procession or that some similar incident provoked the crowd’s rage. The crowd exploded into violence, with many rioters running amok, attacking the Chinese present, overturning and burning vehicles, and attacking and looting Chinese businesses.​[71]

The military had to be called in, and a rigid curfew for all of Singapore was imposed. Military and police patrols gradually restored order. In all, 23 people were killed, some of them being shot by the military patrols, and an additional 454 were injured. More than three thousand arrests were made. Lee and the PAP placed all the blame on UMNO activists for contributing to Malay discontent, especially for trying to arouse ethnic animosity between Malays and Chinese. The riot caused Tunku Abdul Rahman to rethink whether Singapore belonged in the federation.

The second set of riots began on September 2nd when a fifty-seven-year-old Malay rider in a trishaw was killed under unclear circumstances. He was perhaps hit by a car driven by a Chinese person. A trishaw was a three-wheeled vehicle, similar to a bicycle, with the pedaler behind and the customer or customers on a seat in the front or back. It was an improvement on the traditional rickshaw once pulled by a man.

Whatever the exact details were, angry Malays began attacking Chinese at random. The rioting lasted through September 4th and spread through much of the island. Another curfew was proclaimed, and calm was again restored by police and military.

As with the July riot, some rioters were shot and killed by military patrols. In this September riot, 13 people were killed, and 106 were injured. More than 1,400 arrests were made, resulting in some lengthy prison sentences and preventative detentions. Lee and PAP blamed the UMNO for the riot, but both Lee and Tunku Abdul Rahman were also convinced that Indonesian provocateurs had something to do with it. That suspicion remains unproven.​[72]

There was an attempted coup in Indonesia that lasted from September 30th to October 2nd, 1965, by the PKI, also known as the Communist Party of Indonesia, which was the main backer of Sukarno. Several Indonesian generals were murdered, and their bodies were tossed into a well. The coup was brutally put down by the army under General Suharto. Sukarno was deposed and put under house arrest. Suharto was installed as president.

These events created intense ethnic conflict within the country, which led to an extensive massacre of PKI supporters from 1965 to 1966 that was near genocidal in scale. Estimates are that somewhere between five hundred thousand and more than two million people were killed, a large fraction of whom were ethnic Chinese. More than a million were put in prison camps, where they were often treated very harshly.

The Konfrontasi with Malaysia ended in August 1966 when Indonesia’s new strongman, Suharto, reestablished normal relations with Malaysia and Singapore, which by this point was independent (we will cover that more in the next chapter). Suharto ended Indonesian opposition to Sarawak and Sabah joining the federation and did not object when Brunei decided to pursue independence. It is now known as Brunei Darussalam and is strongly Muslim. Lee successfully led Singapore through these years of turmoil. He was the prime minister of Singapore from 1959 to 1992 and remained head of the PAP from 1954 to 1992. Lee did a lot to shape his nation and was more successful than many better-known figures. He remained an influential figure after he was replaced as prime minister as a kind of legacy mentor and senior statesman.​[73]

​Chapter 7 – The Republic of Singapore (1965–1990)

The relationship between Singapore and the rest of the Federation of Malaysia was troubled from the start. Singapore officially joined Malaysia on September 16th, 1963, but lasted less than two years in the union. There was political conflict between Lee’s PAP and Malaysia’s UMNO over voting in Singapore. Lee had previously declared a sort of independence for Singapore within the federation, a version of home rule. He called for a snap election in Singapore in September 1963, and the PAP won thirty-seven of the fifty-one seats. None went to UNMO.

Tunku Abdul Rahman and other Malaysian officials were surprised at the result and strongly criticized Singaporean Malays who voted for Lee’s party. Other UNMO officials accused Lee of being pro-communist and anti-Malay. UNMO meetings in Singapore included one instance of Lee being burned in effigy, and another incident led to an official named Syed Esa Almenoar leading chants of “Kill Lee!” Accusations were made that Lee wanted to create a Chinese dominance of the federation.​[74]

The Malaysian finance minister’s proposed 1964-65 budget assigned Singapore to provide almost 40 percent of the federation’s budget, although Singapore only accounted for 17 percent of the total population. When Singapore protested, the minister threatened to raise it to 60 percent. He also wanted to close the Bank of China in Singapore. Tensions quickly grew, and the prospect of ethnic violence was evident and only increased by the rhetoric of UMNO politicians.

Hostility between Singapore’s PAP and the major Malay party, the UMNO, continued. The race riots that broke out in Singapore in July and September 1964, where many people were killed in the violence, showed that Singapore’s majority Chinese and large minority of Tamils were a poor fit in Malay-dominated Malaysia. The Malaysian prime minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman, eventually decided that a union with Singapore was no longer workable. He decided that Singapore had to be expelled from the federation.

The plans for Singapore’s expulsion from the federation and its independence were kept secret. Lee participated in the process but kept it quiet. Most members of PAP and most civil servants in Singapore were unaware of the situation. On the night before it was announced, the employees of the Singapore Government Printing Office were called to work at night to print the proclamation and the text of the agreement. Then, they were locked in the building to prevent the news from leaking out. Coded messages were sent to the prime ministers of the United Kingdom, New Zealand, and Australia.​[75]

Independence was announced on Radio Singapore at 10:00 a.m. on August 9th, 1965. Tunku Abdul Rahman announced it simultaneously in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia’s capital. He had called the legislature together for a meeting for an undisclosed purpose and then revealed the purpose was to expel Singapore from the federation. On the same day, they passed an amendment to the Malaysian constitution allowing Singapore to leave the federation by a vote of 126-0.

Despite the acrimony between the PAP and the UMNO, the separation was peaceful. Lee and Tunku Abdul Rahman both acted with cooperation and statesmanship. The separation could have easily turned violent, as the Malaysian government could have called for resistance by the Malay minority in Singapore. It could have even led to a civil war, but both the tunku and Lee were determined that it must not lead to violence.

The upshot was that Singapore was ejected from the federation and became an independent nation on August 9th. This is considered Singapore’s date of independence.​[76]

With the violent 1964 riots seared into Singapore’s memory, Lee and his government worked to lessen tensions and saw to it that all Singaporeans shared in the early stages of the country’s economic development. However, riots occurred again in 1969, apparently as a spillover from a contested election in peninsular Malaysia, where bloody rioting occurred. The rioting lasted from May 31st to June 6th. Chinese gangs called triads were responsible for most of the violence.

Compared to the earlier violence, the 1969 violence was much smaller in scale, with four killed and eighty injured.​[77] The 1969 riots made Lee even more determined to find a way to end ethnic tensions. His solution was to promote a multiethnic Singaporean identity where loyalty was to Singapore rather than to one’s ethnic identity.

A second and somewhat unexpected separation also greatly affected Singapore. Following World War II, Britain retained its huge naval base complex in Singapore. It served as a base for suppressing the guerrillas during the Malayan Emergency and also for the Commonwealth troops who fended off Indonesian efforts to prevent Malaysia from incorporating the territories on the island of Borneo. This military presence gave Singapore a sense of being protected.

The expense of fighting in the world wars stretched Britain’s economy to the breaking point and led to many colonies becoming independent, most notably India breaking away in 1947. The costs of maintaining the Royal Navy and the rest of the military establishments were simply too much for Britain. The shortages imposed by the war, such as rationing, lasted into the early 1950s, and newly elected government officials wanted to focus on the British population. The once great British Empire was fading away rapidly. The base in Singapore simply cost too much for the weakened empire.

In 1956, Egypt seized control of the Suez Canal, leading to the Suez Crisis. British, French, and Israeli troops cooperated in an attempt to seize the canal to try to force the Egyptians back, but American pressure resulted in the operation’s failure. This soured popular support in the UK for British military actions. That and the emphasis on rebuilding the war-damaged infrastructure in the UK proper meant that commitments east of the Suez Canal could no longer be maintained.

In 1968, British Prime Minister Harold Wilson announced that Britain would withdraw from bases in Asia east of Aden (Aden was a colony in the south of Arabia, adjacent to Yemen). The withdrawal was to be completed by 1971.

Lee and his associates were caught by surprise, and they were angry about the decision. Lee threatened to withdraw Singapore from the pound sterling, give the dockyard and other facilities to the Japanese, and hire mercenaries to defend Singapore. Lee and some of his staff went to the United Kingdom to negotiate the withdrawal. Common sense prevailed, and the Singaporeans obtained a loan and the commitment of a few troops to stay until 1976.​[78]

A token force of British, Australian, and New Zealand troops remained in Singapore past 1971. The last British soldiers left in 1976, and the last New Zealanders stayed until 1989. By then, Singapore had beefed up its own military strength to a regionally significant level.

The withdrawal affected Singapore in a fundamental way. Not only was a major employer being lost (some twenty-five thousand Singaporeans had worked on the base), but the protection offered by the British from potential conflict with Malaysia or Indonesia had also been lost. Singapore negotiated a soft loan of £50 million from Britain and took over the facilities that were to be abandoned. Britain also committed to helping train Singapore’s own military forces.​[79]

There was no way Singapore could completely replace Britain’s military presence after the British left. Lee decided to develop Singapore’s own armed forces. The British trained some of them, but Singapore developed an enduring relationship with Israel in training its troops. Singapore’s military still works closely with Israel, but troops also train in Australia and the US.

One strategy the country employed was to join other nations in the region in an alliance. In 1967, Singapore became one of the founding nations of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The founding nations were Singapore, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Thailand. Since its creation, Brunei, Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, and Vietnam have joined. ASEAN is not a military alliance; its focus is on trade and regional cooperation, using diplomacy to address any issues.

Singapore was also one of the founding members of a defensive alliance among Australia, New Zealand, Britain, and Malaysia called the Five Power Defence Arrangement (FPDA). The original focus was to counter any renewal of Indonesia’s desire to incorporate all of Borneo into Indonesia.

In 1989, Singapore joined another group, APEC—Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation—an organization of twenty-one countries from around the Pacific Rim. APEC is supposed to facilitate trade but does not appear to be particularly useful. Members include Australia, New Zealand, most of the ASEAN members, China, the Russian Federation, the US, Mexico, Chile, and Peru. Meetings have continued, but there is little agreement on what the group should be doing.

Lee’s government adopted a mild authoritarianism approach in tightening restrictions on labor and making sure the opposition did not turn too radical. Singapore actively pursued investment and industry by offering tax incentives and low labor costs, at least initially. At the same time, Singapore also sought improvements in the living conditions of its citizens. There was a strong emphasis on constructing housing and offering generous loans for families to buy apartments.

The People’s Action Party continued its dominance of the government. In the 1968 elections, Lee and his policies got a ringing endorsement by getting 84 percent of the total vote. Lee’s economic policies worked extremely well. From the 1970s through the 1990s, Singapore’s economic growth exceeded 7 percent every year, making it one of the best performances in the world.​[80]

Singapore also grew in another way. An ambitious land reclamation program between 1965 and 1987 increased its size from 586 square kilometers to 636 square kilometers. By 1989, 49 percent of Singapore was fully built up, so the additional land was important. Surprisingly, about 2.5 percent of it remained forested to protect reservoirs and provide some nature for residents.​[81]

Land was reclaimed in much the same way American cities like Boston and San Francisco grew, by filling in shallow waters and marshes with fill from leveling hills and uneven ground. Reclamation continues to this day, with the size of Singapore increasing to 725 square kilometers by 2019. Reclaiming land has provided space for an airport and port facilities. Singapore’s several smaller islands have been used for airports, military training, and commercial purposes. Land use is carefully controlled.

Land reclamation in the narrow waters between Singapore and the Malay Peninsula caused issues about who had the right to reclaim what. The dispute simmered until 2005, when it was peaceably resolved.​[82]

Land was not the only thing that was reclaimed. In the early decades of independence, the academic focus was on technical subjects, math, and science. History classes were not seen as useful, so history was dropped from the curriculum in 1972. Education was designed to produce a technologically adept workforce, and it did. But that proved not to be enough.

Things changed in the 1980s when the history of Singapore began to be an academic focus. It was returned to the standard curriculum in 1984. Before then, textbooks portrayed Singapore within the context of Malayan history and as an entity founded by Raffles in 1819. This conflicted with the government’s program of creating a Singaporean identity comprised of different ethnicities and religions, so courses began to educate students in what made Singapore unique and different from Malaysia and Indonesia.​[83]

This approach of emphasizing connections with the precolonial era and with resistance during the colonial era has been common in former imperial colonies. Singapore did not experience significant opposition to British colonialism, and the island had been depopulated when the British took over. There was no existing city or state that had to be conquered, just some fishing villages and mangrove swamps. That perhaps accounts for the lack of animosity regarding the colonial experience, unlike Malaysian ire at the British era or Indonesia’s idolizing of resistance against the Dutch and glorifying precolonial kingdoms.

For Lee’s government, linking modern Singapore to its past was one way to strengthen a sense of shared identity. In 1979, Singapore launched the Speak Mandarin campaign. The effort was designed to develop a sense of unity among the Chinese by replacing dialects with Mandarin as the common language of the Singapore Chinese.​[84]

The efforts to create a Singaporean identity seem to have worked. Singaporeans are usually fluent in English and also the language of their individual ethnic group. There has been no repeat of the kind of ethnic violence that tore Singapore apart in 1950 and 1964, although some ethnic tension remains.

​Chapter 8 – Singapore as a City-State

Singapore’s diversity campaigns have led to an emphasis on English, which is useful as a neutral language. By 1987, English had become the primary language of instruction in the country’s schools and universities.​[85]

English schools have proven to be a major asset. English is a kind of lingua franca in the country, allowing the various language groups to communicate easily. Fluency in English is also an asset because it remains the predominant language of the internet, air traffic control, and science.

A second significant policy was opposition to communal enclaves. This was addressed by mixing ethnicities in public housing. Much of Singapore’s housing is built and administered by the government.​[86]

Singapore’s official policy is multiracialism but in the sense that all are Singaporeans—Malay Singaporeans, Chinese Singaporeans, and so on. The ethnic nomenclature used is inherited from the colonial era: CMIO. This means a person is Chinese, Malay, Indian, or other. Officially, a person’s ethnicity is determined by a person’s paternal line, and this identity is recorded on documents such as their national identity card and birth certificate. Hyphenated categories may now be used, but parents must designate a primary category for their children.​[87]

This approach diminishes differences within a group. For example, groups like Javanese, Minangkabau, and Acehnese are grouped as “Malay.” Similarly, dialects within a language have been subsumed. Hokkien, Hakka, and Cantonese have been largely replaced with Mandarin. July 21st is officially “Racial Harmony Day.” Students dress in their traditional costume, eat traditional foods, and perform traditional dances. The traditional is, to a degree, artificial since it reduces different cultures into a simple whole. The date is significant because it’s the day of the bloody 1964 riots, reminding people of the cost of disunity.​[88]

In 1989, the government began using ethnic quotas in public housing to prevent ethnic enclaves. About 83 percent of the country’s residents live in government housing, although residents may have bought their apartments. Polls show that these policies are working, as a sizable majority prefer the designation “Singaporean” to a specific ethnicity.​[89]

Whether this harmony can continue indefinitely is problematic. India is becoming more militantly Hindu, and Indonesia and Malaysia are both dealing with increasing Muslim fundamentalism. Mainland China is increasingly expecting overseas Chinese to favor China. Immigration policies seem to tacitly favor ethnic Chinese. Lee Kuan Yew is cited as claiming that Singapore’s success was due to having a Chinese majority who were practical. He seems to have thought that Indians “believe in the politics of contention” and that Malays were not hard-working.​[90]

Lee Kuan Yew’s approach to government has been described as “soft authoritarianism.” He prioritized group prosperity over individual rights, and American-style freedom of speech and investigative journalism were not a priority in his Singapore. There was considerable freedom of speech, but criticism of Lee or the government was risky. Lee’s government was also intolerant of political radicalism, either within the PAP or in Singapore’s politics in general. The prosperity brought by Lee’s policies has made mild authoritarianism a continuing minor issue.​[91]

Singapore’s government has not been leery of what elsewhere might be called “social engineering.” The government has, from time to time, embarked on campaigns, such as the Stop at Two campaign to get families to have just two children. Other campaigns include the Speak Good English and Speak Good Mandarin campaign (1968–1990) and a campaign focused on improving courtesy (1979–2001). There have been campaigns for cleanliness, anti-littering, and anti-smoking as well.​[92]

These campaigns are reminiscent of the kinds of campaigns in Mao Zedong’s China, such as the one to wipe out pests. The Singaporean campaigns seem to have been far milder, and the country is generally rated as having one of the best qualities of life anywhere in the world. It is also one of the safest countries in the world, with a very low crime rate.

Singapore is situated between two much larger nations, both of which have Muslim majorities. Both Malaysia and Indonesia are potentially much more powerful militarily, but Singapore has developed its own considerable military. The country began working closely with Israel’s military in the late 1960s. Male Singaporeans were obligated to serve two and a half years in the armed forces, which has since been reduced to two years. The draft has helped develop a sense of national identity, and training is often done abroad in Taiwan and Australia, among other places. Having served as an officer in the Singapore Defense Force (SAF) can help one achieve political success.​[93]

The SAF currently has 51,000 active military personnel and 253,000 reservists. The Singapore Navy consists of six frigates, six corvettes, seven submarines, and fifteen patrol vessels. The SAF also has significant air power. These are based in the former British naval base and other facilities. One poll has Singapore rated as the thirtieth most powerful military of 145 countries.​[94]

Singapore’s military is generally considered to be the best in Southeast Asia. The SAF has bought a substantial amount of American-produced equipment, and Singaporean pilots and others have often trained in the US.

Mainland China takes a dim view of Singapore’s good relations with the US and Taiwan. Singapore does not approve of the concept of the South China Sea as being China’s territorial waters but has tried to avoid being critical. Beijing is interested in building a canal across Thailand’s Kra Isthmus, which would considerably shorten the route between India and China and have a huge impact on Singapore.​[95]

Many of the leaders of Singapore are Straits Chinese, descended from families that have long resided in Malaysia or Singapore. They are often multilingual, and many have been educated in Britain. The governing system is loosely modeled on the one in the UK. One observer argues that a main reason that Singapore is so traditional and respectful of authority is that the country has absorbed British values. The commentator argues that this view conflicts with the million or so mainland Chinese immigrants in Singapore who are less respectful of tradition and authority.​[96]

Lee Kuan Yew stepped down as prime minister in 1991. He was succeeded by Gok Chok Tong, an experienced administrator and a longtime associate of Lee and the PAP. Lee remained a powerful figure behind the scenes, and he became a senior advisor and mentor. His son, Lee Hsien Loong, became prime minister in 2004. The Lees formed a kind of dynasty, and there have been occasional accusations of nepotism and corruption. However, it is difficult to argue with Singapore’s spectacular success.

​Chapter 9 – Contemporary Singapore

Much of what characterizes contemporary Singapore is what it inherited from the British colonial era. Singapore’s governing structure is loosely based on the British parliamentary system. The assembly is unicameral, and the president is the official head of state. In the 2023 presidential election, Tharman Shanmugaratnam won with 70.4 percent of the vote (the president serves a six-year term). Singapore’s president has little actual power, and the duties are primarily ceremonial. The elected president appoints the prime minister, but there is a consensus on who will be the prime minister before the president acts. The Singaporean legal system is largely based on English common law, and judges are independent for the most part. Its judicial system is widely respected.

The country has severe anti-drug laws, which have sometimes caused international incidents. An Australian man was hanged in 2005 for violating the laws, leading to strong protests from Australia. In 2007, two African men were executed for the same crime despite international pleas for mercy.​[97]

The most important Singaporean in the 21st century so far and the author of much of its success is Lee Hsien Loong (1953- ), the eldest son of Lee Kuan Lew and Kwa Geok Choo. Loong served as prime minister from 2004 to 2024, when he was replaced by Lawrence Wong. Lee Hsien now serves as the senior minister and advises the prime minister. He is third in precedence after the prime minister and deputy prime minister.

His career continued the Lee family’s dominance of Singapore’s government since it achieved independence. His father served as prime minister of Singapore from 1965 to 1990 and also as senior minister after he stepped down. Lee Hsien’s education illustrates his strong Western affiliations. He obtained a BS in mathematics at Trinity College in Cambridge and later an MPA from Harvard’s Kennedy School. He also attended the US Army Command and General Staff College at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, in 1978. He served in the SAF until 1984, rising to the rank of brigadier general. He left the army to enter politics.

Lee Hsien Loong was a veteran of politics before he was appointed prime minister in 2004. He inherited his father’s influence but had proven to be highly competent before then. Under Lee Hsien Loong, Singapore liberalized somewhat, extending pregnancy leave, decriminalizing homosexuality, and establishing the five-day workweek in 2005 (previously the workweek included a half day on Saturday). He developed casinos as a way of bringing in more tourism, which has generated a large tourist trade. Under his administration, Singapore was one of the very few Asian nations that imposed sanctions on Russia for the invasion of Ukraine.

Lee Hsien Loong retained some of his father’s tendencies toward authoritarianism, as he often made use of the libel law to attack critical journalists and political opponents. He was also paid what was probably the highest annual salary of any of the world’s heads of state, $1.6 million USD.

In 2024, Lawrence Wong became the prime minister. Like the Lees, he had extensive experience in politics, and like Lee Hsien Loong, he had a lot of experience in various ministries and economic organizations. He was also close to the Lee family. Wong’s university education was mostly completed in America and included a BS in economics in 1994 from the University of Wisconsin Madison, an MA in applied economics from Michigan, and an MPA from Harvard.

Wong will likely continue Singapore’s focus on economic growth and global engagement, especially with the United States. That mix of forward-looking leadership and respect for the past is also reflected in how Singapore remembers its colonial history. One small but telling example is found in a statue of Sir Stamford Raffles that still stands in the heart of the city. Instead of toppling the statue, as happened to similar statuary in many other colonies once they became independent, Singapore kept Raffles. In 2019, on the second centennial of Raffles’s landing in Singapore, four other statues were added to the site. Together, they represent the view that Singaporeans have complicated roots but that together they form a distinct heritage.​[98]

The four statues added to Raffles include Munshi Abdullah, Naraina Pillai, Tan Tock Seng, and San Nila Utama. Abdullah (1797–1854) was of Malay ancestry and was born in Malacca. He was associated with Raffles and lived in Singapore. He is considered by some to be the father of modern Malay literature. Pillai was a Tamil from Penang, making him an early settler in Singapore. He was a friend of Raffles and built the colony’s first Hindu temple. Tan (1798–1850) was also an early settler of Singapore. He was a Chinese merchant who achieved great wealth and was remarkably generous to the poor, founding the first Chinese school and also a hospital. These three all knew Raffles and came to Singapore because of the liberal economic circumstances Raffles set up. Sang Nila Utama (?–1347) was the founder and first raja of Singapura in the 1300s (he’s possibly a mythical figure).

Contemporary Singapore has become a powerhouse in biotechnology and developments in AI and information technologies. It has been the regional financial center for a number of years and is emerging as an Asian version of Switzerland, with laws favoring investment secrecy. It has had steady economic growth and recovered quickly from the several shocks that world economies faced in recent decades. The decline in manufacturing has been countered by a rise in financial and service industries.

The country has achieved one of the highest per capita incomes in the world. Singaporeans also have one of the globe’s longest life expectancies: eighty-one years for men and eighty-six for women.​[99]

Fireworks during the Singapore National Day celebration in 2015.

Airbusa388, CC BY-SA 4.0 <https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0>, via Wikimedia Commons, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:NDP2015SG501.jpg

Singapore has also developed other aspects of its economy. A number of casinos cater to tourists, particularly upscale tourists. There are designated red-light districts. Also, the quality and relatively low cost of medical treatment have led to considerable traffic in medical tourism.​[100]

The Singapore government has colluded with industry to an unusual degree. The details are murky, and the information is not readily available, but the government participates in ownership of many corporations based in Singapore, investing in and cooperating with them. The government also owns many businesses. It’s not really a state control of business activity or a centrally directed economy; it is more a matter of selected support and occasional interventions, with steady economic growth as the main goal. There have been allegations of corruption and nepotism, but critics have to be careful.

The media is largely owned and controlled by the government. PAP and government figures often make use of laws concerning libel and have readily sued investigative journalists and critics for defamation. One famous recent example is the British author Alan Shadrake and his book, Once a Jolly Hangman. The book strongly criticizes Singapore’s use of the death penalty. The book itself was not banned, but all bookstores were sent a letter warning that sales of the book might bring charges. Ultimately, the book was not available in the country. Shadrake was convicted of contempt of court and served several weeks in jail.​[101]

Compared to what can happen to critics of the government in other Asian states, the penalty was quite mild, but the arrest and tacit censorship still sent a strong message that criticism of the government had some risks. Jail terms for critics are real but usually last a matter of weeks rather than the indefinite detentions that often exist in other nations in the region.

The Shadrake case is the best known, but it is not the only one. In a 2015 case, a Filipino nurse was arrested and sentenced to four months in jail for making highly critical remarks about Singapore on Facebook.​[102]

However, the government does seem to be gradually loosening its control of the press. In 2015, the list of banned publications dropped from 250 to just 17.​[103] The country is rated as “moderately free” by Freedom House, with the principal criticism being limited freedom of the press and the government’s readiness to sue journalists and critics for defamatory statements.​[104]

New legislation was enacted in 2017 to address issues relating to the internet. The Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act (POFMA) allows any government minister to order correction notices if some post or comment is deemed false or somehow damaging to public interest. POFMA potentially allows management of the rising tide of misinformation plaguing online sites, but it could also be abused to limit criticism.

The government has another unusual feature, the Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau (CPIB). This office has some teeth and sometimes acts to end corruption. In 2023, it arrested the minister of transportation for taking bribes from a Singaporean billionaire. The minister resigned from his office and was charged with violating the Prevention of Corruption Act.

The CPIB and the corruption laws potentially could be used to harass and shut down opposition. There are a few claims of corruption and favoritism against the Lee family, among others, some of which have been met by suits charging libel and making false statements. Again, compared to claims of corruption elsewhere in the region, Singapore’s claims appear trivial.​[105]

Another unusual aspect of the Singapore government is the Public Sector Outcomes Review. A detailed report is published every two years that provides a great deal of data on various government functions, budget audits, and other information. There is no equivalent to the American Freedom of Information Act; the Outcomes Review provides only information the government is willing to release.

Unlike its neighbors, Singapore has no state religion. There is some control of religious expression, though. Religious groups must register with the government. Jehovah’s Witnesses and the Unification Church have both been banned for years. There is particular concern over Islam. Muslim religious teachers must be certified by the Asatizah Recognition Board, which consists of Muslim scholars from the Islamic Religious Council of Singapore, a government organization. This results in only state-approved interpretations of Islam being taught. The government is cautious of radical Islam emerging and is determined to avoid incidents.​[106]

Nevertheless, Singapore has experienced a few incidents. In 1991, a Singapore Airlines flight was hijacked by four Pakistani terrorists. The plane took off from Kuala Lumpur, and the terrorists ordered it to head for Australia. The pilot said it did not have enough fuel to fly that far, so the terrorists agreed it should land at Singapore and refuel. Negotiations for the release of passengers failed, and a Singapore armed forces commando team stormed the plane and killed all four terrorists. No civilians died.

In 1974, terrorists attacked the Shell Oil complex in Singapore and hijacked a ferryboat named the Laju. The terrorists surrendered after negotiations. A plot by Jemaah Islamiyah (a terrorist organization founded in Indonesia) to bomb several embassies in Singapore was uncovered and prevented in 2001. Another plot to bomb mosques by an anti-Muslim group was discovered and prevented. Singapore has passed legislation that allows for the surveillance of suspected terrorists. The country has experienced few such incidents but is considered to be at risk for future ones.

Singapore’s Societies Act requires that any organization with more than ten members must register with the government, and any organization may be dissolved by government decree. Activists that the government does not approve of may be harassed or brought in for interrogation by police. In 2023, a prominent human rights advocate and opponent of the death penalty had her license to practice law suspended for five years and was sentenced to twenty-one days in jail for contempt of court.​[107]

Her criticism of the death penalty seems to have been what triggered the government action. That year, Singapore executed a woman for drug trafficking, the first woman executed in twenty years. Singapore conducts several executions a year by hanging.

Despite the harshness of some laws, Singapore has an unusual freedom of religion in a region where religions are not always tolerated. No religion has a large majority. The most recent data shows that 33 percent of Singaporeans are Buddhist, 19 percent Christian, 14 percent Muslim, 10 percent Taoist, and 5 percent Hindu. Nineteen percent of people have no religious preference. The remaining percentage is made up mostly of traditional Chinese and other traditional religions.

Residents also do not think that people must belong to a particular religion to truly be Singaporean. That’s in sharp contrast with neighboring countries. Three-fourths of Thais, Cambodians, and Indonesians think that people must belong to the dominant religion to be truly Thai, Cambodian, or Indonesian. Thailand and Cambodia are overwhelmingly Buddhist, and Indonesia is predominantly Muslim.​[108]

Singapore’s armed forces are competent and rather powerful for the nation’s size. The Singapore Navy conducts regular anti-pirate patrols in the Malacca and Singapore Straits and protects Singapore’s borders by patrolling the Johore Strait, which separates the country from the Malay Peninsula. Piracy remains a problem in the strait, and the Singapore military is also alert to the possibility of transnational terrorism.​[109]

The country is a tacit ally of the United States, and US Navy warships make frequent calls. Singapore offers facilities for maintenance, repair, supply, and rest for US warships. The facilities are at a base, not in Singapore city itself.​[110]

Singapore is one of the greatest political and economic success stories in the world. In the years since independence in 1965, Singapore has gone from a third-world backwater to a global center of finance, innovation, and technology. Singaporeans enjoy excellent medical care, a modern infrastructure, considerable freedom of speech, an excellent educational system, a very strong economy, good housing, and good access to services.

The Marina Bay Sands resort.

Airbusa388, CC BY-SA 4.0 <https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0>, via Wikimedia Commons, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Marina_Bay_Sands11.jpg

Workers in Singapore have substantial protections and are free to form and join unions (government employees may not do so). An exception is the approximately 270,000 migrant workers in domestic service. They are not covered by protective legislation and are reportedly subject to considerable abuse and exploitation.​[111]

Singapore has some assets derived from earlier periods. For instance, the Singapore Botanic Gardens was founded in 1859 and remains one of the most important in Asia. It is a UNESCO Heritage Site and currently specializes in orchids.

A few numbers give an indication of Singapore’s achievement. The per capita income of Singaporeans has grown from $4,927 in 1980 to $57,714 in 2017 (USD). The country’s gross domestic product has grown from $11.9 billion in 1980 to $323 billion in 2017.​[112]

Singapore’s continued independence and prosperity are not guaranteed. Both Indonesia and Malaysia have large Muslim majorities, and either might try to subvert Singapore’s Muslim community. China’s push to control the South China Sea could threaten commerce in all of Southeast Asia. There is already conflict over who controls what on the sea, with China on the one hand and the Philippines, Vietnam, and Malaysia on the other. The conflict could intensify if the sea proves to contain significant seabed resources or oil deposits.

There is also the problem of mainland China’s current view that all overseas Chinese are sons and daughters of China and ought to support China’s goals. Given Singapore’s 70 percent Chinese majority, China seems to expect that Singapore should naturally support Beijing’s priorities.​[113]

As mentioned, how Singaporeans look back on the island’s history has changed. In colonial times, the crucial date was 1819 when Raffles made his deal with local rulers. More recently, Singaporean historians have added significance to much earlier dates, connecting Singapore to kingdoms in the distant past.

Because of this, Singaporean historians emphasize that Singaporean Chinese have long been separated from mainland China and that Straits Chinese have their own culture that differs in significant ways from that of China proper.​[114]

​Conclusion — Can Singapore Survive?

Today, Singapore has a very low birth rate, so population growth comes almost entirely from immigration, much of it from mainland China. The population has grown from 2.4 million in 1980 to 4 million in 2000 to more than 6 million today.​[115]

The most important issue for Singapore’s future is the relationship with mainland China. It is China’s current policy to regard overseas Chinese as Chinese who should support Beijing’s policies. While Singapore is about 75% ethnic Chinese, a large fraction of them descend from people who have lived in the region for generations and who see themselves as Singaporeans, not Chinese nationals.

China is becoming increasingly assertive on the world stage. Beijing’s economy has expanded from an underdeveloped third-world giant to being tied for the world’s largest economy. It is also a military superpower. All of this was accomplished in a few decades. China is building a powerful blue-water navy, the first China has had since the days of Zheng He, and China’s claim to the South China Sea brings Chinese power ever closer to Singapore.

With more than a million people having immigrated from mainland China, Beijing likely expects Singapore to follow China’s lead in political matters. Important issues that could lead to problems are Singapore’s traditionally friendly relations with Taiwan and Beijing’s claim to control the entire South China Sea.

Singapore has refrained from commenting on China’s militarization of some islands in the South China Sea or the issues in China regarding the Muslim population in Xinjiang. China is Singapore’s largest trading partner, and Singapore is one of the largest investors in China.

Singapore has long had a close relationship with the United States. The Singapore Air Force was one of the first nations to use the highly advanced American F-35 fighter aircraft, and the warships of the US Navy frequently visit the island. A trade war between the US and China could make things difficult for Singapore.​[116]

The US does not have a base in Singapore, although it has frequently made use of the Singapore naval base at Changi, which was built on reclaimed land on the east side of the country. In the past, several experimental littoral combat ships were stationed there, as well as US Navy antisubmarine surveillance aircraft. This drew strong criticism from Beijing.​[117]

Another issue is Singapore’s proximity to large Muslim populations in Malaysia and Indonesia. Singapore is about 15 percent Muslim (mostly Sunni Muslim). Indonesia currently has a population of 275 million Muslims, while Malaysia has 38 million. Indonesia is closest, sitting at about ten nautical miles from Singapore, and the causeway between Singapore and the peninsula is just over a kilometer long. Muslim fundamentalism is on the rise in both countries. While relationships are currently friendly, that could change in the future. However, Singapore depends on Malaysia for water and imports much of its food from the two neighbors.

The historic animosity between Malays and Chinese remains strong, and Singapore’s large ethnic Chinese majority does not fit well with the country’s position of being sandwiched between two Muslim Malayan nations. Singapore has adopted a strategy that dates to early in Lee Kuan Yew’s career. The country seeks to pursue a multicultural Singapore identity centered on English as the identifying language and an identity that is separate from and not related to China.​[118]

Muslim fundamentalism is a real threat, and police are aware of the issue. In 2001, fifteen suspected militants of Jemaah Islamiyah were arrested for conspiracy. The group wanted to establish an Islamist regime in Malaysia and Indonesia. This group has since disbanded, but other groups have the same goal. In 2016, police cooperated with Bangladesh security agencies to arrest several Bangladeshi nationals who were conspiring to overturn the government of Bangladesh and replace it with an Islamist government.​[119]

More activities like this can be expected because Singapore is a communications hub for all of Southeast Asia. Singapore’s own approximately one million Muslims might become targets for fundamentalists.

An especially vulnerable point is that Singapore depends on natural gas for more than 90 percent of its power, most of which is piped in from Malaysia and Indonesia. This gives either neighbor the possibility of withholding that supply to try to coerce Singapore to align more of its policies.

Singapore’s military is competent and formidable, but it might not be of much use against a blockade of gas and petroleum supplies or closure of drinkable water should tensions with Malaysia ever arise. The current armed neutrality seems to be working well.

There are other serious political and environmental issues. Singapore has more than six million people in an area of under three hundred square miles, so it has problems with pollution. The 120,000 ships stopping at or passing by Singapore each year in narrow waters also pose serious environmental problems. It is still unknown what consequences global climate change and rising seas will bring. A third of the island is five meters or less above sea level, though.

Singapore is a unicameral parliamentary democracy modeled on the British system, and despite its mild authoritarianism, it is perhaps the freest country in Southeast Asia. The country has been almost completely dominated by the PAP since 1959 (when Singapore got home rule). There are currently at least thirty-six political parties, but none is capable of challenging PAP’s dominance, which is likely to continue for the foreseeable future.​[120]

Singapore is stable and governed in a manner that is well accepted by its diverse population. Its future is hardly assured, but Singapore has done very well adapting to crises and political change over the past century. It seems likely that the country will continue to effectively cope with changes that are yet to come.

​

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Part 1: History of Malaysia

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TOK JANGGUT. (2012, May 11). Tokoh Sejarah. https://sejarahtokoh.wordpress.com/tok-janggut/

Warisan Budaya Malaysia : Sastera Rakyat. (n.d.). http://sasterarakyat-kedah.com/?cat=8

When the world came to Southeast Asia: Malacca and the Global Economy - Association for Asian Studies. (2023, June 19). Association for Asian Studies. https://www.asianstudies.org/publications/eaa/archives/when-the-world-came-to-southeast-asia-malacca-and-the-global-economy/

Wikipedia contributors. (2023, August 1). Ram Khamhaeng. Wikipedia. https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ram_Khamhaeng

Wikipedia contributors. (2023, October 31). Sukhothai Kingdom. Wikipedia. https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sukhothai_Kingdom

Part 2: History of Singapore

BBC. “Singapore Country Profile,” “Timeline.” Retrieved June 18, 2024. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-15961759.

Britannica. “History of Singapore.” Britannica online, July 17, 2023. Retrieved June 20, 2024. https://www.britannica.com/topic/history-of-Singapore.

Britannica. “Lee Kuan Yew.” Britannica online, no date. Retrieved June 22, 2024. https://www.britannica.com/biography/Lee-Kuan-Yew.

British Empire. “Straits Settlements.” Retrieved June 17, 2024. https://www.britishempire.co.uk/maproom/straitssettlements.htm.

Cartwright, Mark. “The Seven Voyages of Zheng He.” Britannica, February 7, 2019. Retrieved July 2, 2024. https://www.worldhistory.org/article/1334/the-seven-voyages-of-zheng-he/.

Chia, Yeow-Tong. “History Education for Nation Building and State Formation: The Case of Singapore.” Citizenship Teaching and Learning 7 (2), April 2012. 191-207. Retrieved June 17, 2024. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/272205968_History_education_for_nation_building_and_state_formation_The_case_of_Singapore.

Chong, Terence. “The Bicentennial Commemoration: Imagining and re-imagining Singapore’s History.” Southeast Asian Affairs 2020. 323-334. JSTOR access June 20, 2024.

Frank, Zephyr, and Musacchio, Aldo. “Overview of the Rubber Market, 1870-1930.” Economic History Association, no date. Retrieved June 24, 2025. https://eh.net/encyclopedia/the-international-natural-rubber-market-1870-1930/#:~:text=First%2C%20prior%20to%201910%2C%20it,cost%20plantations%20in%20Southeast%20Asia.

Frank, Richard. Tower of Skulls. History of the Asia-Pacific War 1937-1942. New York: W. W. Norton, 2020.

Freedom House. “Freedom in the World 2024: Singapore.” Washington D.C.: Freedom House 2024. Retrieved June 25, 2024. https://freedomhouse.org/country/singapore/freedom-world/2024.

Global Firepower. “2024 Singapore Military Strength.” Global Firepower.com. Retrieved June 21, 2024. https://www.globalfirepower.com/country-military-strength-detail.php?country_id=singapore.

Hagan, James and Wells, Andrew. “The British and Rubber in Malaya, ca. 1890-1940.” Faculty Research. University of Wollongong.

Hale, Christopher. A Brief History of Singapore and Malaysia. The Shared History of Two Asian Tigers. North Clarendon, Vermont: Tuttle Publishing, 2023. Accessed via Google Books, June 21, 2024. No pagination.

Ho, Robert. “History of Singapore.” Britannica, updated June 17, 2024. Retrieved June 18, 2024. https://www.britannica.com/place/Singapore/History.

Hunter, Murray. “Who Rules Singapore? The Only True Mercantile State in the World.” Geopolitics 5 (2) 2013. 88-117. JSTOR access June 20, 2024.

Ken, Wong Lin. “The Strategic Significance of Singapore in Modern History.” The Great Circle (4) 1, April 1982. 26-40. Published by Australian Association for Maritime History. JSTOR access June 19, 2024.

Lepoer, Barbara L. Singapore, A Country Study. Washington, DC: Library of Congress, 1989. Retrieved June 20, 2024. https://countrystudies.us/singapore/3.htm.

Military Wiki. “Japanese Occupation of Singapore.” Militaryhistory. 2014. Retrieved July 3, 2024. https://military-history.fandom.com/wiki/Japanese_occupation_of_Singapore.

Miner, William. “In Singapore, Religious Diversity and Tolerance Go Hand-In-Hand.” Pew Research Center, October 6, 2023. Retrieved June 26, 2024. https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2023/10/06/in-singapore-religious-diversity-and-tolerance-go-hand-in-hand/.

National Library Board of Singapore. “Address by Yang Di Pertuan Negara in Parliament in Singapore Independence, August 9, 1965.” Retrieved June 18, 2024. https://www.nlb.gov.sg/main/article-detail?cmsuuid=dc1efe7a-8159-40b2-9244-cdb078755013.com.

National Library Board of Singapore. “British Withdrawal from Singapore,” “Communal Riots of 1964,” “Maria Hertogh Riots,” “Hokkien-Teochew Riots,” “Opium and its History in Singapore,” “Singapore’s Separation from Malaysia.” Various dates. Retrieved July 3, 2024. https://www.nlb.gov.sg/main/article-detail?cmsuuid=3cb72867-1eec-4caa-96b2-365e1301cbb1.

National Army Museum. “Malayan Emergency.” No date. Retrieved June 24, 2024. https://www.nam.ac.uk/explore/malayan-emergency.

Omar, Maritsa. “Indonesia-Malaysia Confrontation.” Singapore Infopedia, 2012. Retrieved July 1, 2024. https://www.nlb.gov.sg/main/article-detail?cmsuuid=78909a3d-b4c3-4ee8-a1f3-9d3b56c00213.

Opper, Marc. People’s Wars in China, Malaya and Vietnam. Ann Arbor, Michigan: University of Michigan Press, 2020.

Panda, Ankit. “Singapore: A Small Asian Heavyweight.” Council on Foreign Affairs. April 16, 2020. Retrieved July 5, 2024. https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/singapore-small-asian-heavyweight.

Stewart, Terry. “The Fall of Singapore.” Historic UK. No date. Retrieved June 27, 2024. https://www.historic-uk.com/HistoryofBritain/The-Fall-of-Singapore/.

Tan, Andrew T.H. “Singapore’s Survival and its China Challenge.” Security Challenges 13 (2), 2017. 11-31. JSTOR access June 20, 2024.

Teo, Jaclyn. “Chinese Dialect Groups and Their Occupations is 19th and Early 20th Century Singapore.” Biblioasia, Singapore. No date. Retrieved July 5, 2024. https://biblioasia.nlb.gov.sg/vol-6/issue-1/apr-2010/singapore-chinese-dialect-occupation/#:~:text=The%20Chinese%20came%20from%20different,from%20Hainan%20Island%20spoke%20Hainanese.

Vadaketh, Sudhir Thomas. “Singapore—History Haunts the Ultra-Modern State.” Nikkei Asia, February 17, 2019. Retrieved June 19, 2024. https://asia.nikkei.com/Life-Arts/Arts/Singapore-history-haunts-the-ultra-modern-state.

Vasu, Norman. “Government Through Difference in Singapore.” Asian Survey 52 (4) July/August 2012. JSTOR access June 20, 2024.

Volgyi, Katalin. “A Successful Model of State Cooperation: Singapore.” In Seeking the Best Master: State Ownership and the Varieties of Capitalism. Ed. Miklos Szanyi. Amsterdam, Central European University Press, 2019. Pgs. 275-296.

Wan, Joshua. “What Singapore Can Learn Today Can Learn From its Ethnic Riots of the 1960s.” Southeastasiaglobe, August 10, 2021. Retrieved July 3, 2024. https://southeastasiaglobe.com/singapore-ethnic-riots/.

Wayback Machine. “Singapore Massacre (1915).” Retrieved June 20, 2024. http://nesa.org.uk/html/singapore_massacre__1915_.htm.

Yong, Tan Tai. “Looking Back at 700 Years of Singapore.” Biblioasia, January 31, 2019. Retrieved June 18, 2024. https://biblioasia.nlb.gov.sg/vol-14/issue-4/jan-mar-2019/looking-back-at-sg/.

[1] YTM stands for “Yang Teramat Mulia,” which is an honorific, almost similar to His or Her Royal Highness.

[2] Britannica. “History of Singapore.” Britannica online, July 17, 2023. Retrieved June 20, 2024. https://www.britannica.com/topic/history-of-Singapore.

[3] Britannica. “History of Singapore.” https://www.britannica.com/topic/history-of-Singapore.

[4] BBC. “Singapore Country Profile,” “Timeline.” Retrieved June 18, 2024. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-15961759.

[5] Yong, Tan Tai. “Looking Back at 700 Years of Singapore.” Biblioasia, January 31, 2019. Retrieved June 18, 2024. https://biblioasia.nlb.gov.sg/vol-14/issue-4/jan-mar-2019/looking-back-at-sg/.

[6] Lepoer, Barbara L. Singapore, A Country Study. Washington, DC: Library of Congress, 1989. Retrieved June 20, 2024. https://countrystudies.us/singapore/3.htm.

[7] Cartwright, Mark. “The Seven Voyages of Zheng He.” Britannica, February 7, 2019. Retrieved July 2, 2024. https://www.worldhistory.org/article/1334/the-seven-voyages-of-zheng-he/.

[8] Cartwright, Mark. “The Seven Voyages of Zheng He.” https://www.worldhistory.org/article/1334/the-seven-voyages-of-zheng-he/.

[9] Cartwright, Mark. “The Seven Voyages of Zheng He.” https://www.worldhistory.org/article/1334/the-seven-voyages-of-zheng-he/.

[10] Ken, Wong Lin. “The Strategic Significance of Singapore in Modern History.” The Great Circle (4) 1, April 1982. Published by Australian Association for Maritime History. JSTOR access June 19, 2024. Pg. 27.

[11] Lepoer, Barbara L. Singapore, A Country Study. https://countrystudies.us/singapore/3.htm.

[12] Ho, Robert. “History of Singapore.” Britannica, updated June 17, 2024. Retrieved June 18, 2024. https://www.britannica.com/place/Singapore/History.

[13] Ken, Wong Lin. “The Strategic Significance of Singapore in Modern History.” The Great Circle (4) 1, April 1982. Pg. 28.

[14] Ken, Wong Lin. “The Strategic Significance of Singapore in Modern History.” The Great Circle (4) 1, April 1982. Pg. 34.

[15] Hale, Christopher. A Brief History of Singapore and Malaysia. The Shared History of Two Asian Tigers. North Clarendon, Vermont: Tuttle Publishing, 2023. Accessed via Google Books, June 21, 2024.

[16] Hale, Christopher. A Brief History of Singapore and Malaysia. The Shared History of Two Asian Tigers.

[17] Hale, Christopher. A Brief History of Singapore and Malaysia. The Shared History of Two Asian Tigers.

[18] Lepoer, Barbara L. Singapore, A Country Study. https://countrystudies.us/singapore/3.htm.

[19] Ken, Wong Lin. “The Strategic Significance of Singapore in Modern History.” The Great Circle (4) 1, April 1982. Pg. 36.

[20] Hunter, Murray. “Who Rules Singapore? The Only True Mercantile State in the World.” Geopolitics 5 (2) 2013. JSTOR access June 20, 2024. Pg. 89.

[21] Lepoer, Barbara L. Singapore, A Country Study. https://countrystudies.us/singapore/3.htm.

[22] Lepoer, Barbara L. Singapore, A Country Study. https://countrystudies.us/singapore/3.htm.

[23] Lepoer, Barbara L. Singapore, A Country Study. https://countrystudies.us/singapore/3.htm.

[24] National Library Board of Singapore. “Hokkien-Teochew Riots.” Retrieved July 3, 2024. https://www.nlb.gov.sg/main/article-detail?cmsuuid=3cb72867-1eec-4caa-96b2-365e1301cbb1.

[25] Lepoer, Barbara L. Singapore, A Country Study. https://countrystudies.us/singapore/3.htm.

[26] Lepoer, Barbara L. Singapore, A Country Study. https://countrystudies.us/singapore/3.htm.

[27] National Library Board of Singapore. “Opium and its History in Singapore.” Retrieved July 3, 2024. https://www.nlb.gov.sg/main/article-detail?cmsuuid=3cb72867-1eec-4caa-96b2-365e1301cbb1.

[28] Teo, Jaclyn. “Chinese Dialect Groups and Their Occupations is 19th and Early 20th Century Singapore.” Biblioasia, Singapore. No date. Retrieved July 5, 2024. https://biblioasia.nlb.gov.sg/vol-6/issue-1/apr-2010/singapore-chinese-dialect-occupation/#:~:text=The%20Chinese%20came%20from%20different,from%20Hainan%20Island%20spoke%20Hainanese.

[29] Teo, Jaclyn. “Chinese Dialect Groups and Their Occupations is 19th and Early 20th Century Singapore.” https://biblioasia.nlb.gov.sg/vol-6/issue-1/apr-2010/singapore-chinese-dialect-occupation/#:~:text=The%20Chinese%20came%20from%20different,from%20Hainan%20Island%20spoke%20Hainanese.

[30] Teo, Jaclyn. “Chinese Dialect Groups and Their Occupations is 19th and Early 20th Century Singapore.” https://biblioasia.nlb.gov.sg/vol-6/issue-1/apr-2010/singapore-chinese-dialect-occupation/#:~:text=The%20Chinese%20came%20from%20different,from%20Hainan%20Island%20spoke%20Hainanese.

[31] Lepoer, Barbara L. Singapore, A Country Study. https://countrystudies.us/singapore/3.htm.

[32] Lepoer, Barbara L. Singapore, A Country Study. https://countrystudies.us/singapore/3.htm.

[33] Frank, Zephyr, and Musacchio, Aldo. “Overview of the Rubber Market, 1870-1930.” Economic History Association, no date. Retrieved June 24, 2025. https://eh.net/encyclopedia/the-international-natural-rubber-market-1870-1930/#:~:text=First%2C%20prior%20to%201910%2C%20it,cost%20plantations%20in%20Southeast%20Asia.

[34] Frank, Zephyr, and Musacchio, Aldo. “Overview of the Rubber Market, 1870-1930.” https://eh.net/encyclopedia/the-international-natural-rubber-market-1870-1930/#:~:text=First%2C%20prior%20to%201910%2C%20it,cost%20plantations%20in%20Southeast%20Asia.

[35] Hagan, James and Wells, Andrew. “The British and Rubber in Malaya, ca. 1890-1940.” Faculty Research. University of Wollongong. Pg. 143.

[36] Lepoer, Barbara L. Singapore, A Country Study. https://countrystudies.us/singapore/3.htm.

[37] National Library Board of Singapore. “Opium and its History in Singapore.” https://www.nlb.gov.sg/main/article-detail?cmsuuid=3cb72867-1eec-4caa-96b2-365e1301cbb1.

[38] Lepoer, Barbara L. Singapore, A Country Study. https://countrystudies.us/singapore/3.htm.

[39] Hagan, James and Wells, Andrew. “The British and Rubber in Malaya, ca. 1890-1940.” Pg. 144.

[40] Hagan, James and Wells, Andrew. “The British and Rubber in Malaya, ca. 1890-1940.” Pg. 144.

[41] Hagan, James and Wells, Andrew. “The British and Rubber in Malaya, ca. 1890-1940.” Pg. 145.

[42] Wayback Machine. “Singapore Massacre (1915). Retrieved June 20, 2024. http://nesa.org.uk/html/singapore_massacre__1915_.htm.

[43] Wayback Machine. “Singapore Massacre (1915). http://nesa.org.uk/html/singapore_massacre__1915_.htm.

[44] Lepoer, Barbara L. Singapore, A Country Study. https://countrystudies.us/singapore/3.htm.

[45] Hagan, James and Wells, Andrew. “The British and Rubber in Malaya, ca. 1890-1940.” Pgs. 147-148.

[46] Lepoer, Barbara L. Singapore, A Country Study. https://countrystudies.us/singapore/3.htm.

[47] Stewart, Terry. “The Fall of Singapore.” Historic UK. No date. Retrieved June 27, 2024. https://www.historic-uk.com/HistoryofBritain/The-Fall-of-Singapore/.

[48] Frank, Richard. Tower of Skulls. History of the Asia-Pacific War 1937-1942. New York: W. W. Norton, 2020. Pg. 340.

[49] Frank, Richard. Tower of Skulls. History of the Asia-Pacific War 1937-1942. Pg. 334.

[50] Frank, Richard. Tower of Skulls. History of the Asia-Pacific War 1937-1942. Pg. 375.

[51] Stewart, Terry. “The Fall of Singapore.” https://www.historic-uk.com/HistoryofBritain/The-Fall-of-Singapore/.

[52] Frank, Richard. Tower of Skulls. History of the Asia-Pacific War 1937-1942. Pg. 379.

[53] Frank, Richard. Tower of Skulls. History of the Asia-Pacific War 1937-1942. Pg. 380.

[54] Military Wiki. “Japanese Occupation of Singapore.” Militaryhistory. 2014. Retrieved July 3, 2024. https://military-history.fandom.com/wiki/Japanese_occupation_of_Singapore.

[55] Military Wiki. “Japanese Occupation of Singapore.” https://military-history.fandom.com/wiki/Japanese_occupation_of_Singapore.

[56] Military Wiki. “Japanese Occupation of Singapore.” https://military-history.fandom.com/wiki/Japanese_occupation_of_Singapore.

[57] Lepoer, Barbara L. Singapore, A Country Study. https://countrystudies.us/singapore/3.htm.

[58] National Army Museum. “Malayan Emergency.” No date. Retrieved June 24, 2024. https://www.nam.ac.uk/explore/malayan-emergency.

[59] Opper, Marc. People’s Wars in China, Malaya and Vietnam. Ann Arbor, Michigan: University of Michigan Press, 2020. Pg. 185.

[60] Opper, Marc. People’s Wars in China, Malaya and Vietnam. Pg. 187.

[61] Opper, Marc. People’s Wars in China, Malaya and Vietnam. Pg. 192.

[62] National Army Museum. “Malayan Emergency.” https://www.nam.ac.uk/explore/malayan-emergency.

[63] National Army Museum. “Malayan Emergency.” https://www.nam.ac.uk/explore/malayan-emergency.

[64] Hunter, Murray. “Who Rules Singapore? The Only True Mercantile State in the World.” Pg. 92.

[65] Britannica. “Lee Kuan Yew.” Britannica online, no date. Retrieved June 22, 2024. https://www.britannica.com/biography/Lee-Kuan-Yew.

[66] Britannica. “Lee Kuan Yew.” https://www.britannica.com/biography/Lee-Kuan-Yew.

[67] Hunter, Murray. “Who Rules Singapore? The Only True Mercantile State in the World.” Pg. 91.

[68] National Library Board of Singapore. “Maria Hertogh Riots.” Various dates. Retrieved July 3, 2024. https://www.nlb.gov.sg/main/article-detail?cmsuuid=3cb72867-1eec-4caa-96b2-365e1301cbb1.

[69] Omar, Maritsa. “Indonesia-Malaysia Confrontation.” Singapore Infopedia, 2012. Retrieved July 1, 2024. https://www.nlb.gov.sg/main/article-detail?cmsuuid=78909a3d-b4c3-4ee8-a1f3-9d3b56c00213.

[70] Wan, Joshua. “What Singapore Can Learn Today Can Learn From its Ethnic Riots of the 1960s.” Southeastasiaglobe, August 10, 2021. Retrieved July 3, 2024. https://southeastasiaglobe.com/singapore-ethnic-riots/.

[71] National Library Board of Singapore. “Communal Riots of 1964.” Various dates. Retrieved July 3, 2024. https://www.nlb.gov.sg/main/article-detail?cmsuuid=3cb72867-1eec-4caa-96b2-365e1301cbb1.

[72] National Library Board of Singapore. “Communal Riots of 1964.” https://www.nlb.gov.sg/main/article-detail?cmsuuid=3cb72867-1eec-4caa-96b2-365e1301cbb1.

[73] Britannica. “Lee Kuan Yew.” https://www.britannica.com/biography/Lee-Kuan-Yew.

[74] National Library Board of Singapore. “Singapore’s Separation from Malaysia.” Various dates. Retrieved July 3, 2024. https://www.nlb.gov.sg/main/article-detail?cmsuuid=3cb72867-1eec-4caa-96b2-365e1301cbb1.

[75] National Library Board of Singapore. “Singapore’s Separation from Malaysia.” https://www.nlb.gov.sg/main/article-detail?cmsuuid=3cb72867-1eec-4caa-96b2-365e1301cbb1.

[76] Yong, Tan Tai. “Looking Back at 700 Years of Singapore.” https://biblioasia.nlb.gov.sg/vol-14/issue-4/jan-mar-2019/looking-back-at-sg/.

[77] Wan, Joshua. “What Singapore Can Learn Today Can Learn From its Ethnic Riots of the 1960s.” https://southeastasiaglobe.com/singapore-ethnic-riots/.

[78] National Library Board of Singapore. “British Withdrawal from Singapore.” Various dates. Retrieved July 3, 2024. https://www.nlb.gov.sg/main/article-detail?cmsuuid=3cb72867-1eec-4caa-96b2-365e1301cbb1.

[79] Hunter, Murray. “Who Rules Singapore? The Only True Mercantile State in the World.” Pg. 94.

[80] Hunter, Murray. “Who Rules Singapore? The Only True Mercantile State in the World.” Pg. 94.

[81] Lepoer, Barbara L. Singapore, A Country Study. https://countrystudies.us/singapore/3.htm.

[82] BBC. “Singapore Country Profile,” “Timeline.” https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-15961759.

[83] Chia, Yeow-Tong. “History Education for Nation Building and State Formation: The Case of Singapore.” Citizenship Teaching and Learning 7 (2), April 2012. Retrieved June 17, 2024. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/272205968_History_education_for_nation_building_and_state_formation_The_case_of_Singapore. Pg. 193-195.

[84] Teo, Jaclyn. “Chinese Dialect Groups and Their Occupations is 19th and Early 20th Century Singapore.” https://biblioasia.nlb.gov.sg/vol-6/issue-1/apr-2010/singapore-chinese-dialect-occupation/#:~:text=The%20Chinese%20came%20from%20different,from%20Hainan%20Island%20spoke%20Hainanese.

[85] Yong, Tan Tai. “Looking Back at 700 Years of Singapore.” https://biblioasia.nlb.gov.sg/vol-14/issue-4/jan-mar-2019/looking-back-at-sg/.

[86] Yong, Tan Tai. “Looking Back at 700 Years of Singapore.” https://biblioasia.nlb.gov.sg/vol-14/issue-4/jan-mar-2019/looking-back-at-sg/.

[87] Vasu, Norman. “Government Through Difference in Singapore.” Asian Survey 52 (4) July/August 2012. JSTOR access June 20, 2024. Pgs. 737-738.

[88] Vasu, Norman. “Government Through Difference in Singapore.” Asian Survey 52 (4). Pg. 739.

[89] Vasu, Norman. “Government Through Difference in Singapore.” Asian Survey 52 (4). Pg. 747.

[90] Vadaketh, Sudhir Thomas. “Singapore—History Haunts the Ultra-Modern State.” Nikkei Asia, February 17, 2019. Retrieved June 19, 2024. https://asia.nikkei.com/Life-Arts/Arts/Singapore-history-haunts-the-ultra-modern-state.

[91] Panda, Ankit. “Singapore: A Small Asian Heavyweight.” Council on Foreign Affairs. April 16, 2020. Retrieved July 5, 2024. https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/singapore-small-asian-heavyweight.

[92] Hunter, Murray. “Who Rules Singapore? The Only True Mercantile State in the World.” Pgs. 106-107.

[93] Hunter, Murray. “Who Rules Singapore? The Only True Mercantile State in the World.” Pgs. 108-109.

[94] Global Firepower. “2024 Singapore Military Strength.” Global Firepower.com. Retrieved June 21, 2024. https://www.globalfirepower.com/country-military-strength-detail.php?country_id=singapore.

[95] Tan, Andrew T.H. “Singapore’s Survival and its China Challenge.” Security Challenges 13 (2), 2017. JSTOR access June 20, 2024. Pg. 26.

[96] Hunter, Murray. “Who Rules Singapore? The Only True Mercantile State in the World.” Pg. 111.

[97] BBC. “Singapore Country Profile,” “Timeline.” https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-15961759.

[98] Vadaketh, Sudhir Thomas. “Singapore—History Haunts the Ultra-Modern State.” https://asia.nikkei.com/Life-Arts/Arts/Singapore-history-haunts-the-ultra-modern-state.

[99] BBC. “Singapore Country Profile,” “Timeline.” https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-15961759.

[100] Hunter, Murray. “Who Rules Singapore? The Only True Mercantile State in the World.” Pgs. 95-96.

[101] Hunter, Murray. “Who Rules Singapore? The Only True Mercantile State in the World.” Pgs. 105-106.

[102] BBC. “Singapore Country Profile,” “Timeline.” https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-15961759.

[103] BBC. “Singapore Country Profile,” “Timeline.” https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-15961759.

[104] Freedom House. “Freedom in the World 2024: Singapore.” https://freedomhouse.org/country/singapore/freedom-world/2024.

[105] Freedom House. “Freedom in the World 2024: Singapore.” https://freedomhouse.org/country/singapore/freedom-world/2024.

[106] Freedom House. “Freedom in the World 2024: Singapore.” https://freedomhouse.org/country/singapore/freedom-world/2024.

[107] Freedom House. “Freedom in the World 2024: Singapore.” https://freedomhouse.org/country/singapore/freedom-world/2024.

[108] Miner, William. “In Singapore, Religious Diversity and Tolerance Go Hand-In-Hand.” Pew Research Center, October 6, 2023. Retrieved June 26, 2024. https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2023/10/06/in-singapore-religious-diversity-and-tolerance-go-hand-in-hand/.

[109] Panda, Ankit. “Singapore: A Small Asian Heavyweight.” https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/singapore-small-asian-heavyweight.

[110] Tan, Andrew T.H. “Singapore’s Survival and its China Challenge.” Security Challenges 13 (2). Pg. 20.

[111] Freedom House. “Freedom in the World 2024: Singapore.” Washington D.C.: Freedom House 2024. Retrieved June 25, 2024. https://freedomhouse.org/country/singapore/freedom-world/2024.

[112] Volgyi, Katalin. “A Successful Model of State Cooperation: Singapore.” In Seeking the Best Master: State Ownership and the Varieties of Capitalism. Ed. Miklos Szanyi. Amsterdam, Central European University Press, 2019. Pg. 292.

[113] Tan, Andrew T.H. “Singapore’s Survival and its China Challenge.” Security Challenges 13 (2). Pg. 28.

[114] Chong, Terence. “The Bicentennial Commemoration: Imagining and re-imagining Singapore’s History.” Southeast Asian Affairs 2020. 323-334. JSTOR access June 20, 2024. Pg. 329.

[115] Volgyi, Katalin. “A Successful Model of State Cooperation: Singapore.” Pg. 292.

[116] Panda, Ankit. “Singapore: A Small Asian Heavyweight.” https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/singapore-small-asian-heavyweight.

[117] Tan, Andrew T.H. “Singapore’s Survival and its China Challenge.” Security Challenges 13 (2). Pgs. 20-21.

[118] Tan, Andrew T.H. “Singapore’s Survival and its China Challenge.” Security Challenges 13 (2). Pg. 16.

[119] BBC. “Singapore Country Profile,” “Timeline.” https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-15961759.

[120] Volgyi, Katalin. “A Successful Model of State Cooperation: Singapore.” Pgs. 295-96.